Cooperation and Conflict

Publisher:: Sage Publications, Inc.
Publication date:: 2021-08-12

ISBN:: 0010-8367

Issue Number

No. 59-4, December 2024

Latest documents

UN peacekeeping upon deployment: Peacekeeping activities in theory and practice
United Nations peacekeeping operations (UNPKO) have been deployed in conflict-affected countries for decades. While we thoroughly understand what UNPKOs are mandated to do, there is little research on what activities peacekeepers actually do upon deployment in their host countries and in which sequence, if any. To address this gap, we formulate descriptive hypotheses about the number of implemented peacekeeping activities, the expansion toward new activity categories, and the sequencing of implemented activities. We use the novel Extended Peacekeeping Activity Dataset to evaluate our theoretical expectations for all UNPKOs deployed after the end of the Cold War until 2017. Our findings show that UNPKOs implement more activities over time. Yet, the expansion of UNPKOs’ activities into new activity categories by generation (second, third, and stabilization) is not as clear-cut in practice as expected. Instead, there is a notable expansion of activities within activity categories—especially during third-generation UNPKOs. Finally, we find a security-first sequencing for second- and third-generation UNPKOs, while stabilization UNPKOs implement a high share of security activities long after initial deployment.
Contested heritage in Susya: Asymmetry and possibilities for peace
Discussions about the role of heritage sites and practices in provoking conflict – or conversely, as opportunities for building peace – have gained new impetus in recent years. In this context, we discuss a site of contested heritage in the occupied Palestinian territories, the Susya national heritage site. The article first highlights the way this contestation relates to wider conflict over territory (as well as political, economic and cultural resources). Using oral histories gathered by Palestinian youth researchers, it then considers how heritage narratives reinforce or challenge competing claims to ‘belong’ in Susya against a backdrop of protracted conflict. Finally, the article asks whether such contested heritage sites could play a role as resources for peace by adopting a conflict transformational paradigm, and what the barriers are to this approach.
Forum on Heikki Patomäki’s World Statehood: The Future of World Politics
In this forum, six scholars discuss Heikki Patomäki’s book World Statehood: The Future of World Politics, published in 2023. The editor’s introduction situates it in the discursive contexts of cosmopolitanism, deep history and functional differentiation. Ian Crawford looks at the concept of world statehood from an astrobiologist’s point of view, putting the debate in the context of research on the possibility of life existing beyond Earth. Eva Erman notes that there are methodological issues that primarily derive from a missing distinction between theoretical and practical normativity in Patomäki’s thought. Oliver Kessler offers a critical perspective on underlying, and possibly unrealistic, assumptions about a universal translatability of specialized knowledges and vocabularies that he argues underlines Patomäki’s project. Jens Bartelson argues that the concept of world community has probably accumulated too much conceptual baggage to be useful in building world statehood. Mitja Sienknecht observes that the evolution of artificial intelligence is insufficiently addressed in World Statehood and probes possible implications in this respect. Heikki Patomäki then replies to these contributions.
Business as usual like never before! Continuity, rupture and anxiety management in the 2014 Scottish independence referendum campaign
Ontological security-seeking has traditionally been considered to rest upon the stability and continuity of core auto-biographical narratives and everyday routines. ‘Critical situations’ which fundamentally destabilise these foundations of ontological security have thus hitherto carried a negative valence. Constitutional referenda proposing a radical re-organisation of collective political identities and daily life, therefore, are intriguing. A source of severe consternation for some, for others, potential change is positive, even thrilling. This article investigates this puzzling contrast, drawing on Ontological Security Studies’ (OSS) recent recentring of Existentialist thought and debates exploring the heterogenous potential of anxiety, and utilising the 2014 referendum on Scottish independence and the strategies for anxiety management embedded in the pro-independence ‘Yes’ campaign. Through analysis of dominant discourses grounding the argument for independence, findings demonstrate the simultaneous deployment of contradictory anxiety management strategies: independence was framed as a pathway to escape the instability and uncertainty of the status quo; as a pathway to continuity; and as a chance to embrace anxiety, to relish the opportunity and excitement of change. This article thus contributes to the prevailing critique of OSS’ over-privileging of stability and continuity in ontological security-seeking, yet problematises ‘either/or’ approaches to understanding anxiety management in critical situations and beyond.
What do ‘local elites’ seek from EU security policies in the Sahel? Re-thinking the agency of non-European actors
The European Union (EU) has been attempting to promote stability in the Sahel since 2011 through capacity-building missions in the security and defence sectors. These policy instruments have been criticised for their limited effectiveness. To explain it, a common argument claims that ‘local elites’ lack ownership and political engagement. This article opposes such rationale and suggests that we need to rethink the agency of non-European actors beyond a Eurocentric conceptual toolbox (‘resistance’, ‘fragility’, ‘ownership’). Building on an ethnography of the European capacity-building mission in support of security forces in Niger (EUCAP Sahel), this article shows that Nigerien elites regard the EU as an economic resource rather than a genuine security actor. Therefore, they primarily seek economic profits, material advantages, and professional opportunities from EU security policies. The argument proceeds in three steps. The first part intends to refine the broad category of ‘local elites’. I suggest an inductive distinction that helps simplify our understanding of the agential practices of non-European actors. The second part uses this inductive distinction to foreground different strategies of Nigerien elites to make the most out of EU security policies. Third, the article discusses both the theoretical and policy implications of these empirical findings.
“I needed him to tell the world”: People’s evaluation of political apologies for human rights violations in El Salvador, the Republic of Korea, and the United Kingdom
Across the world, an increasing number of states or state representatives have offered apologies for human rights violations, particularly since the 1990s. There is debate, however, on how valuable such gestures are and what impact they have. To address this, we examined what the perspectives of victim community members and the general public are in this regard, in different parts of the world. We focused on the apologies for the El Mozote massacre in El Salvador, the Jeju 4.3 events in the Republic of Korea, and Bloody Sunday in the United Kingdom, whereby we conducted 127 in-depth interviews with members of victim communities and the general public in these countries. Using thematic analysis, we found across these three countries that participants from the victim group and the general public saw the apology as a meaningful event because it acknowledges the suffering of the victims and breaks the silence about past atrocities. This suggests that apologies may answer to a broadly shared need for recognition. Nevertheless, the apologies were also regarded as limited in terms of their overall role in reconciliation processes and the further changes that they generate. The article concludes by discussing this ambivalence, present in both the apology literature as among our participants’ responses across the world.
The reality and power of international law: Georg Schwarzenberger’s forgotten theory of International Relations
Georg Schwarzenberger’s oeuvre has remained significantly underexplored in International Relations literature despite his status as one of the most important thinkers in International Relations and international law of the twentieth century. Ahead of their time, his works reveal a picture of law that transcends academic boundaries and challenges the traditional portrayal of both realist theory and international law. Through a detailed examination of the works of this theorist, this article offers an analysis of the fundamental aspects of his theory of International Relations and international law. It explores the elements at the heart of Schwarzenberger’s theory of International Relations, which, though examined infrequently and practically forgotten, retain their relevance in today’s international society. Through this exploration of Schwarzenberger’s works, this article argues that his theory of International Relations provides a powerful commentary on the fundamental structure, nature and problems of international law. It points to and reveals issues that have remained at the heart of international law until today, offering a sophisticated and self-conscious interrogation of the relationship between law, power and politics. In doing this, this article challenges our understanding of realism as a theory that is unable to account for international law and highlights Schwarzenberger’s continued relevance today.
The effect of asymmetric interdependence on the outcomes of military cooperation in the Sahel
In this article, I make a case for studying the outcome of security cooperation between external and host forces through the lens of their relationship. This is because in order for such military cooperation to have a sustainable effect, the host needs to develop ownership and autonomy over its own security responses. This article sets out from the observation that there is an evident discrepancy between the stated intent and the actual outcome of the cooperation between the G5 Sahel Joint Force (G5S-JF) and external actors. Building on insights from peace-building and security force assistance (SFA) literature, I argue that the relationship between the G5S-JF and external actors is best characterised as one of asymmetric interdependence and that this asymmetric interdependence can explain why the G5S-JF never developed into an autonomous force with ownership over its security responses. The concept of asymmetric interdependence provides a new lens through which to research SFA and can potentially shed light on other relationships between international, regional, national and local actors more generally.
Climate institutions matter: The challenges of making gender-sensitive and inclusive climate policies
Climate institutions such as the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), with its expert panel the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), and the European Union, as well as national and local authorities in various sectors (such as transport, industry, energy, and agriculture), play a central role in developing and enacting climate strategies. Climate institutions, particularly in the Global North, have however been slow in their recognition of gender and other climate-relevant social aspects. With the help of feminist institutionalism, we analyze the contemporary climate regime and how it deals with gender and social differences, asking how climate institutions, originating in the Global North, organize bodies and institutionalize gender norms and relations. The main aim is to highlight existing institutional inertia and obstacles to transformative institutional practices that are needed for just and inclusive climate policies. The article is conceptual with examples drawn from institutional literature as well as empirical research on the United Nations, the European Union, and states in the Global North. We conclude that there is an increasing recognition of the gendered effects of climate change particularly in terms of the need for diverse representation in decision making. Institutional inertia, in particular path-dependent policy-making in climate institutions, however makes gender often invisible or associated with women only and therefore remains a major obstacle for the realization of inclusive and equal climate policies.
‘Russian warship, go fuck yourself’: Humour and the (geo) political limits of vicarious war
With Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, vicarious identification (VI) with the Ukrainian fight swept across the West becoming the de facto and normatively prescribed response and a source of status, self-esteem and jouissance for all those vicariously participating. For their part, and with some success, the Ukrainians encouraged such a response through carefully curated acts of vicarious identity promotion. Mobilising the British context as an example, this article reflects on the temptations and limiting politics of vicarious war, highlighting three points. First, that VI with the Ukrainian fight was tempting, in part because it enabled a nostalgic appropriation that helped flesh out post-Brexit notions of ‘Global Britain’, but that in doing so made this increasingly a war more about ‘us’ than ‘them’. Second, that humour has played a particularly central role in these processes. Third, that VI-derived support is inherently unstable, something evident whenever news from the battlefield has turned grim, threatening to diminish the ontological satisfaction previously derived.