Atrocity victimization and the costs of economic conflict crimes in the battle for Baghdad and Iraq

AuthorPatricia Parker,John Hagan,Joshua Kaiser,Anna Hanson,Daniel Rothenberg
DOI10.1177/1477370812452087
Published date01 September 2012
Date01 September 2012
Subject MatterArticles
European Journal of Criminology
9(5) 481 –498
© The Author(s) 2012
Reprints and permission: sagepub.
co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/1477370812452087
euc.sagepub.com
Atrocity victimization and
the costs of economic conflict
crimes in the battle for
Baghdad and Iraq
John Hagan and Joshua Kaiser
American Bar Foundation, USA; Northwestern University, USA
Daniel Rothenberg
Arizona State University, USA
With
Anna Hanson
Northwestern University, USA
Patricia Parker
University of Toronto, Canada
Abstract
Economic conflict crimes are defined in this paper as violations of international human rights
and humanitarian law, as well as domestic law, associated with military and political conflict and
producing significant monetary as well as other forms of suffering for civilians. Criminologists are
well positioned by disciplinary emphasis to document and explain military and political violence
resulting in economic conflict crimes. Criminal victimization associated with the US-led invasion of
Iraq imposed an enormous toll on civilians. Yet there is little attention by criminologists or others
to the profound economic costs to Iraqis, whether through lost property, life, or opportunities.
We cautiously estimate that the economic losses for households in the city of Baghdad alone were
almost US$100 billion, and more than three times this amount for the entire country, with Sunni
groups experiencing significantly greater losses than others. So far as we know, our article presents
the first estimates of civilian losses from economic conflict crimes that followed the US-led invasion
of Iraq. These losses were widespread and systematic, the hallmarks of crimes against humanity.
Keywords
Baghdad, crimes against humanity, economic conflict crime, Iraq war
Corresponding author:
John Hagan, Department of Sociology, Northwestern University, 1812 Chicago Ave, Evanston, IL 60208, USA.
Email: j-hagan@northwestern.edu
452087EUC9510.1177/1477370812452087Hagan et al.European Journal of Criminology
2012
Article
482 European Journal of Criminology 9(5)
Introduction
Criminology is only beginning to consider the mass violence associated with war, armed
conflict, and political repression. Savelsberg (2010: 1) observes how crucial this topic is:
in the 20th century alone these crimes cost over 200 million lives, with hundreds of mil-
lions more injured. These numbers greatly exceed domestic street crime victimization
(Hagan, 2010), and these acts are clearly crimes under domestic law and international
human rights and humanitarian law, with great costs to persons and their property
It is short-sighted to omit the collateral costs to civilians of military and political con-
flicts. Former international prosecutor Louise Arbour (2007) notes that international tri-
bunals have incorporated these costs within charges of atrocity crimes. She notes that the
trial chamber of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY)
in the Kupresik case recognized that widespread destruction of homes and property can
constitute the crime against humanity of persecution when committed with systematic
intent. The non-judicial concept of atrocity crimes goes further by setting aside even the
criterion of intent, at least in encouraging investigation of collateral costs to civilians and
helping to preempt or charge crimes against humanity and genocide (Scheffer, 2007).
In this article, we give particular attention to economic conflict crimes: violations of
international human rights and humanitarian law, as well as domestic law, associated
with military and political conflict, broadly understood, producing significant suffering
for civilians. We further ask whether these crimes in Iraq reach the widespread, system-
atic level of crimes against humanity. Neglect of economic conflict crimes is a failure of
criminology.
Of special concern is systematically organized violence against racial, ethnic, and reli-
gious groups (Noji and Toole, 1997), and also political groups (Bass, 2001) – conflicts
that are increasing. Between 1989 and 1999, studies suggest the number of these group-
based mass conflicts more than doubled from the previous decade, from 14 to 30 (Natsios,
1997). In the last third of the 20th century, humanitarian refugees nearly doubled (Keely
et al., 2001). Many internally displaced persons and refugees suffer enormous harm,
including high rates of mortality and suffering.
Public health researchers documented these mass events and conceptualized them as
‘complex humanitarian emergencies’ (Waldman and Martone, 1999). This term is useful
for planning assistance. However, criminologists are better positioned by disciplinary
emphasis to document and explain political violence resulting in economic conflict
crimes and mass atrocities (Hagan et al., 2006).
A criminal victimization approach provides an essential supplement to public health
and population-based research (Hagan and Kaiser, 2011; Hagan and Rymond-Richmond,
2008, 2009). For example, this approach led to an estimate that hundreds of thousands, not
tens of thousands, died in Darfur during 2003–4 – correcting misleading claims to the
contrary by the US State Department (Hagan and Palloni, 2006). Criminologists can sig-
nificantly advance knowledge and public awareness of such death and group destruction.
In this paper, we extend this work to the crimes occurring following the invasion of Iraq.
Criminal victimization during the US-led invasion of Iraq and the subsequent post-
invasion period imposed an enormous toll on civilians. To date, studies have focused
primarily on loss of life in Iraq. The US collected detailed statistics on Coalition military

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