Demographic and cognitive risk factors for police mental disorder symptoms
Author | Gordon J G Asmundson,Michelle J N Teale Sapach,Stephanie Korol,R Nicholas Carleton,Kelsey D Vig |
DOI | 10.1177/0032258X19894619 |
Published date | 01 March 2021 |
Date | 01 March 2021 |
Article
Demographic and
cognitive risk factors
for police mental
disorder symptoms
Stephanie Korol , Kelsey D Vig ,
Michelle J N Teale Sapach,
Gordon J G Asmundson and R Nicholas Carleton
Department of Psychology, University of Regina, Regina, Saskatchewan,
Canada
Abstract
The current study was designed to assess whether cognitive risk factors (i.e. anxiety
sensitivity (AS), intolerance of uncertainty (IU)) explained variance in mental dis-
order symptoms in Canadian police officers beyond variance explained by demo-
graphic variables (i.e. sex, marital status,education,yearsofservice).Police
participants (708 men; 271 women) completed measures assessing posttraumatic
stress disorder, panic disorder, social anxiety disorder, major depressive disorder,
generalized anxiety disorder, IU and AS. Multivariate analysis of variance demon-
strated that only main effects of sex were significant for all symptom variables,
except SAD. Hierarchical multiple regressions demonstrated that AS and IU
accounted for greater variance than sex on all mental disorder symptom measures,
which suggests that cognitive risk factors explain more variance in mental disorder
symptoms than sex. Efforts to reduce AS and IU may be beneficial for improving
police mental health.
Keywords
Police officers, risk factors, anxiety sensitivity, intolerance of uncertainty, mental
disorder symptoms
Corresponding author:
Stephanie Korol, Department of Psychology, University of Regina, Regina, Saskatchewan S4S0A2, Canada.
Email: korol20s@uregina.ca
The Police Journal:
Theory, Practice and Principles
2021, Vol. 94(1) 40–57
ªThe Author(s) 2019
Article reuse guidelines:
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DOI: 10.1177/0032258X19894619
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Introduction
Police officers are recognized as having an extremely stressful occupation that includes
frequent exposures to a subset of potentially psychologically traumatic events (Carleton
et al., 2019a) sometimes referred to as critical incidents (e.g. violent death of a partner,
taking a life in the line of duty; Carleton et al. , 2019b; Weiss et al., 2010), public
stigmatization and criticism, and enduring standard ongoing work-related stressors
(e.g. irregular work hours, exposure to violence; Adams and Buck, 2010; M´enard and
Arter, 2014; Swanson et al., 2012).
The current investigation was designed to explore mental disorder symptoms and
relevant risk factors among police. Police experience high levels of exposure to critical
incidents and other potentially traumatic events (Carleton et al., 2019a); however, even
within policing, different operational roles may result in variation in mental disorder
symptoms and types of exposure to potentially traumatic events. For example, homicide
investigators working with child homicide cases report more acute emotional stress when
compared to investigations of adult homicide (Roach et al., 2017). Similarly, police who
work in the area of child exploitation or online child pornography are exposed to unique
stressors (e.g. repeated exposure to obscene content) that are often ranked among the top
four police stressors and can lead to various distressing symptoms (i.e. anxiety, helpless-
ness, sadness, guilt), vicarious trauma, burnout and compassion fatigue (Figley, 1999;
Krause, 2009; Marshall, 2006; Van Patten and Burke, 2001; Violanti and Aron, 1995;
Violanti and Gehrke, 2004). There are differences in exposures to various categories of
potentially traumatic events within policing; nevertheless, the present investigation
focused on mental disorder symptoms and risk factors more broadly among police.
Operational stress injuries (OSIs) experienced in various policing roles can lead to
problematic coping strategies (i.e. avoidance) and possibly negative mental health out-
comes (Hakan Can and Hendy, 2014; Marmar et al. 2006; Pasillas et al., 2006; Wang
et al., 2010; Weiss et al., 2010). For example, the global rate of depression among police
appears nearly double when compared to the general population (Hartley et al., 2011),
with over one-third of police meeting criteria for depression (Lawson et al., 2012). In
addition, comorbidity of mental disorders (i.e. meeting symptom criteria for more than
one mental disorder) is common among police globally and across Can ada (Bowler
et al., 2010; Carleton et al., 2018a). As part of Canada’s public safety personnel (PSP),
police officers self-report high rates of symptoms consistent with a range of mental
disorders, including post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), panic disorder (PD), social
anxiety disorder (SAD), major depressive disorder (MDD) and generalized anxiety
disorder (GAD; Carleton et al., 2018a). The high rates of symptom reporting suggest
that poor mental health is a significant issue among Canadian police officers and sup-
ports the call for a National Action Plan to improve the long-term care of Canada’s PSP
(Oliphant, 2016).
Several different programmes have been engaged as a possible way to improve police
officer mental health directly (e.g. skills training for symptom management) or indirectly
(e.g. using education to reduce stigma, early identification of symptoms, clarifying
access to professional resources). Compared to interventions implemented after the
development of a mental disorder, proactive strategies might have clear individual and
Korol et al. 41
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