Does bureaucratic representation enhance overall organizational accountability in policing?
| Published date | 01 December 2022 |
| Author | Seong C. Kang,Ahrum Chang,Brian N. Williams |
| Date | 01 December 2022 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/padm.12765 |
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Does bureaucratic representation enhance overall
organizational accountability in policing?
Seong C. Kang
1
| Ahrum Chang
2
| Brian N. Williams
3
1
Department of Government, New Mexico
State University, Las Cruces, New
Mexico, USA
2
Department of Public Administration and
Policy, University of Georgia, Athens,
Georgia, USA
3
Frank Batten School of Leadership and
Public Policy, The University of Virginia,
Charlottesville, Virginia, USA
Correspondence
Seong C. Kang, Department of Government,
New Mexico State University, Breland Hall
Room 337, Box 30001, Dept. 3BN, Las
Cruces, NM 88003, USA.
Email: sckang@nmsu.edu
Abstract
Many representative bureaucracy studies examine out-
comes in the context of passive and active representation,
but relatively few have investigated the effects of passive
representation on outcomes for the organization as a
whole. To address this gap, we analyze data from a national
law enforcement survey in the United States on formal citi-
zen complaints regarding allegations of excessive use of
physical force. This measure aligns with a three-dimensional
accountability framework consisting of information, discus-
sion, and consequences. The analysis finds that greater rep-
resentation in lower-level leadership is positively associated
with a higher percentage of sustained citizen allegations of
use of force, while representation in upper leadership gen-
erates mixed findings. The results contribute to the litera-
ture by highlighting the differential effects of
representation in multiple leadership positions and by pro-
viding implications for overall organizational accountability.
1|INTRODUCTION
Recent Gallup Poll data, conducted May 3rd through 18th, 2021, reveal heightened racial concerns as a clear legacy
of the death of George Floyd at the hands of the police. More than 10% of US adults have mentioned racism, race
relations, and the lack of racial justice as one of the most important problems facing the United States. This figure is
up from 4% earlier in 2020. Racism is a national issue that impacts individuals, communities, and institutions and as a
result, continues to be an elevated concern for both White and Black Americans (Saad, 2021). When considering this
problem in the context of policing, particularly its legacy of historic harms and disparate impacts on minority commu-
nities, this brings to the fore the need for effective, equitable, and intentional policies and practices that build public
trust and that enhance organizational accountability.
Received: 15 March 2021 Revised: 28 May 2021 Accepted: 8 July 2021
DOI: 10.1111/padm.12765
Public Admin. 2022;100:1145–1160. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/padm © 2021 John Wiley & Sons Ltd. 1145
Representative bureaucracy theory has been touted as an important pathway to ensure organizational account-
ability and effective discretion through the bureaucratic mirroring of the values and needs of constituent populations
(Bishu & Kennedy, 2020; Meier & Smith, 1994; Pitts, 2007). Prior research argue that when the demographic compo-
sition of public organizations mirrors the disposition of their constituents, representation may produce outcomes
directly linked to minority interests (Atkins et al., 2014; Pitts, 2007; Selden, 1997). Some have also found that repre-
sentation improves outcomes for the interests of clients that bureaucrats do not directly serve (Atkins &
Wilkins, 2013; Favero & Molina Jr, 2018), as well as outcomes for the overall organization (Andrews et al., 2014;
Hong, 2016,2017).
Although the literature has made significant advances with regards to policy outcomes for minorities, three
empirical issues merit further research. First, most studies examine outcomes in the context of passive and active
representation, but relatively few investigate the effects of passive representation on outcomes for the organization
as a whole. It is necessary to distinguish between these two because representation is often viewed as a zero-sum
game in which greater representation of minorities may be advocated at the expense of the interests of nonminor-
ities (Meier, 2019; Mosher, 1982; Slack, 2001). Second, there is a lack of empirical research concerning the role of
hierarchical differences in workforce representation and organizational outcomes. Aside from Andrews et al. (2014)
and Hong (2020) who examine the differential effects of bureaucratic hierarchy on the benefits of representation, lit-
tle empirical attention has been devoted to this issue. Third, there are substantial gaps concerning the extent to
which representation enables the achievement of more substantive goals such as accountability (Kennedy, 2014).
Although a recent study by Headley (2021) reveals that the presence of civilian review boards decreases police use
of force when combined with minority representation, studies investigating the link between representation and
accountability are relatively few due to the complexity of defining accountability as well as data limitations that ren-
der it difficult to devise appropriate measures (Brandsma & Schillemans, 2013).
We explore these questions in the context of law enforcement. In the United States, excessive use of force
against minority citizens, especially African Americans, at the hands of the police has highlighted accountability as an
important goal and has called for democratic ideals—including transparency and fairness—to be reflected in how
police officers behave (Gilad & Dahan, 2020; Kahn et al., 2016). Citizen complaints, use of force, and police-involved
deaths, among others, are examples of performance measures used to assess accountability and the exercise of dis-
cretion (Congressional Research Service, 2020). Some of these measures, however, suffer from measurement issues
that reduce their validity with regards to accountability. For example, without additional information on whether an
officer's action was formally justified or excessive, a simple decrease in citizen complaints or officer use of force inci-
dents may fail to serve as valid measures of accountability.
For this purpose, we draw from a national law enforcement survey in the United States containing information
on formal citizen complaints that are sustained. Sustained allegations align with Brandsma and Schillemans' (2013)
three-step accountability process consisting of information, discussion, and consequences. Specifically, citizens pro-
vide information to a police department through a formal complaint process regarding allegations of officer miscon-
duct (Walker & Archbold, 2018). Complaints undergo formal investigation, providing a forum for discussion into
whether an officer's action was justified or excessive. In the consequences phase, depending on the outcome, the
forum passes judgment on the officer in the form of exoneration or discipline. Sustained citizen complaints can be
used to test the expectation that bureaucratic representation should be associated with greater overall organiza-
tional accountability.
While our analysis finds that lower-level representation is positively associated with accountability, we find that
the results vary according to different leadership ranks. An increase in the percentage of Black first-line supervisors
is associated with more sustained allegations, while an increase in Black intermediate supervisors and the presence
of a Black chief executive are associated with fewer sustained allegations. These findings support prior studies that
have found similar results regarding the differential impact of representation in multiple organizational ranks
(Andrews et al., 2014; Hong, 2020; Meier, 1993). The results contribute to the literature by highlighting the
1146 KANG ET AL.
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