Explaining high rates of political participation among Chinese migrants to Australia

AuthorJill Sheppard,Liang Jiang,Marija Taflaga
Published date01 June 2020
DOI10.1177/0192512119834623
Date01 June 2020
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512119834623
International Political Science Review
2020, Vol. 41(3) 385 –401
© The Author(s) 2019
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/0192512119834623
journals.sagepub.com/home/ips
Explaining high rates of political
participation among Chinese
migrants to Australia
Jill Sheppard
Australian National University, Australia
Marija Taflaga
Australian National University, Australia
Liang Jiang
Jinan University, PR China
Abstract
Studies of political participation regularly observe the underrepresentation of immigrant citizens and ethnic
minorities. In contrast, evidence from Australia suggests that immigrant Australians are overrepresented in
certain forms of participation, including donating money and working for a party or candidate. Drawing on
major theories of ethnic political participation (including socialisation, recruitment and clientelism), this study
uses 2013 Australian Election Study data to show that China-born migrants to Australia participate at higher
rates than native-born and other migrant citizens. The study finds support for two explanatory theories: (a)
that contributions of money by recently-arrived migrants are an aspect of clientelist relationships between
migrants and legislators; and (b) that political interest in and knowledge of the host country’s political system
are not necessary, and indeed perhaps even depress participation among newly-arrived migrants. These
findings suggest an under-explored vein of transactional politics within established democratic systems.
Keywords
Chinese migrants, clientelism, political participation, transactional politics, political socialisation
Introduction
Contemporary theories of democracy regularly rely on inclusive and widespread citizen participa-
tion as an indicator of democratic health (Lijphart, 1997). Those who do not participate risk not
Corresponding author:
Liang Jiang, School of International Studies and Academy of Overseas Chinese Studies, Jinan University, 601 HuangPu W
Avenue, Guangzhou, People’s Republic of China.
Email: ljiang928@gmail.com
834623IPS0010.1177/0192512119834623International Political Science ReviewSheppard et al.
research-article2019
Article
386 International Political Science Review 41(3)
having their voice heard by legislators with responsibility for much of their welfare. This has
implications for the representation of ethnic minorities (among others), whom many studies have
found are underrepresented in a range of participatory behaviours: voting; membership of organi-
sations, legislative contacting and lobbying, and protesting. The sum of the literature shows that
ethnic minorities tend to participate at lower rates than native-born citizens in absolute terms, and
usually net of other demographic and socioeconomic factors as well.
Evidence from Australia is more optimistic about the participation of ethnic minorities.
Immigrants to Australia demonstrate higher levels of political trust and satisfaction with democ-
racy than the rest of the population, which increases the longer they have lived in Australia
(Bilodeau, 2008). Ethnically-diverse and immigrant Australians have participated in formal poli-
tics; both major parties in Australia have sought to integrate immigrants into their structures with
varying levels of success (Jupp, 1984). However, they have also participated differently from the
average Australian (Zappalà, 1999). McAllister and Makkai (1992) observe low rates of cam-
paign participation in 1988, while Bean (2012) and Sheppard (2013) find overrepresentation in
campaign acts at the 2007 and 2010 federal elections, respectively. Australian Election Study
data in Figure 1 show the percentage of Australian citizens born overseas (compared with those
born in Australia) who participated in a range of political activities during the 2013 federal elec-
tion campaign.
These accounts accord with reputable, mainstream media reporting on political engagement and
influence among Chinese ethnic communities in Australia (McKenzie et al., 2017). The data, sepa-
rated by activities performed during the campaign period and those in the five years prior to 2013,
suggest that immigrant Australians are more likely to participate in campaigns than Australian-
born citizens, but less likely to engage in other forms of participation. The combination of existing
research and recent data present two puzzles: why do immigrants to Australia participate at higher
rates than in similar democracies, and why do they disproportionately participate in campaign – but
not other – activities? This article addresses this question directly by disaggregating rates and
determinants of participation among migrant subgroups, with particular emphasis on China-born
migrants in order to test the hypothesis – suggested by media reporting – that this group is inordi-
nately active in Australian political life. We conclude by offering possible explanations for this
anomaly, with the caveat that these cross-sectional, observational data do not allow for a definitive
causal explanation.
Figure 1. Participation rates by migrant status, 2013.
0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1
Discussed polics with others
Talked to people about vote
Worked for party or candidate
Went to meengs or rallies
Contributed money
Discussed polics with others online
orn overseasorn in ustralia
Notes: bars represent proportion of respondents who reported participating in each activity, as a binary yes/no. Error
bars represent 95% confidence intervals from the point estimate.
Source: 2013 Australian Election Study (McAllister etal., 2013).

To continue reading

Request your trial

VLEX uses login cookies to provide you with a better browsing experience. If you click on 'Accept' or continue browsing this site we consider that you accept our cookie policy. ACCEPT