De-genderisation of the Offence of Rape under the Violence against Persons (Prohibition) Act 2015: An Assessment of the Practical Challenges and the Slippery-Slope Effects

DOI10.3366/ajicl.2020.0324
Pages488-505
Published date01 August 2020
Date01 August 2020
INTRODUCTION

What does it mean for the government to treat its citizens as equals? That is … the same question as the question of what it means for the government to treat all its citizens as free, or as independent, or with equal dignity … To accord with this demand, a government must be neutral on what might be called the question of the good life …1

The need to run a society with gender equality consciousness has, for some years now, continued to form part of the discourse both at the national and international levels. At the national level, attention of the policy-makers and the legislature has continuously been drawn by stakeholders to salient provisions in the Constitution,2 African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act3 and relevant international instruments4 where gender mainstreaming has been incorporated as an integral part of our jurisprudence

In its simplest form, gender mainstreaming is the conscious effort by the government to consider how laws, policies and decisions made by the lawmakers and policy-makers will affect the peculiar interests of women and men. It is ‘a strategy for making women's as well as men's concerns and experiences an integral dimension of the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programmes in all political, economic and societal spheres so that women and men benefit equally and inequality is not perpetuated.’5 The ultimate goal of gender mainstreaming is gender equality.6 In effect, a law is gender-mainstreamed if it takes both genders into consideration in its provisions and application. What, therefore, properly mainstreamed laws and policies are expected to achieve is equality between both genders in all spheres of their legal, social, political and economic relations.

In Nigeria presently, one of the notable laws that have attempted to place both men and women on the same pedestal of equality is the Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act 2015.7 Unlike other gender-mainstreamed laws8 that focus majorly on civil relations between the genders, a substantial part of the Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act (VAPP Act) focuses on criminalisation and punishment of certain acts meted out by one gender on the other in their relations or interactions.

Except for cursory reviews of the VAPP Act on the pages of newspapers and the Internet, it will appear that there is a dearth of comprehensive, analytical reviews and literature on some of the salient provisions of the Act. Historically, the law of rape in Nigeria under the Criminal Code, Penal Code, Criminal Procedure Code and the respective similar statutes in all of the 36 States in Nigeria is gender-specific. The offence of rape is genderised – that is, it can only be committed by a male person against a female person. In an attempt to mainstream and de-genderise9 the rape law as it applies to the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, the offence of rape under the VAPP Act was given a new look.

One of the most salient, innovative and controversial provisions of the VAPP Act is contained in section 1. The section provides for the offence of rape, and in its four subsections, it entirely redefines the offence of rape in a way that it is not only novel to the Nigerian criminal jurisprudence, but is also capable of creating serious practical challenges to the law enforcement authorities. This singular redefinition of the offence of rape is also capable of bringing with it some slippery-slope effects. In spite of all these, there are still acts of rape not presently contemplated in the redefinition of rape under the VAPP Act. The jurisprudence of rape in jurisdictions such as South Africa has recognised what may be termed as third-party rape or causal rape.10

A CURSORY OVERVIEW OF THE VAPP ACT 2015

The Act, as captured in its long title, seeks to achieve three major things: (a) to eliminate all forms of violence in private and public life; (b) to prohibit all forms of violence against persons; and (c) to provide protection and effective remedies for victims and punishment of offenders. To achieve these three orders, the VAPP Act creates 26 different offences against the persons. The 26 offences are contained in the first 26 sections of the Act.11 The entirety of the 26 offences constitutes Part I of the Act. Upon conviction, the punishments for the offences range between life imprisonment and a variety of lesser terms of imprisonment, and monetary fines between ₦100,000 and ₦1,000,000.

Part II of the VAPP Act covers sections 27 to 38, and they border on the jurisdiction of the court – the application for protection orders, and the granting, variation, setting aside and discharge of protection orders, among other things. By virtue of section 27 of the Act, only the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja has jurisdiction to hear and grant any application brought under the Act. One very grey area on the issue of the jurisdiction of the court under the VAPP Act is the perceived conflict between sections 27 and 46. While the former states unequivocally that the High Court of the FCT Abuja shall have jurisdiction in respect of all applications brought under the Act, the latter defines court to mean both the Magistrates' Court and the High Court.

Apart from applications for protection orders which are expressly within the jurisdiction of the Abuja High Court to grant, the VAPP Act is absolutely silent on which court will have jurisdiction on criminal charges filed in respect of any of the 26 offences created under the Act. This obvious gap comes with a lot of concerns, knowing full well that bringing an application for a protection order and instituting criminal proceedings in respect of any of the offences created under the Act are entirely two different things. Where the Magistrates' Court will come in the whole of this equation is a real issue begging for an answer.

Part III of the Act comprises sections 33 to 44, and the sections focus on service providers. Service providers are defined as registered voluntary associations whose objectives include protecting the rights and interests of victims of violence by any lawful means12 while Part IV recognises and mandates the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP) to administer the provisions of the VAPP Act in collaboration with relevant stakeholders.13 The last two parts are Part V which covers section 45 and Part VI which covers the last section– section 46. While the former provides for superiority of the VAPP Act over certain relevant extant laws, the latter is the definition section for certain words used in the Act. The Schedule to the VAPP Act has samples of six different forms for protection orders.

THE FACE OF RAPE LAW IN NIGERIA BEFORE THE VAPP ACT 2015

Until the enactment of the VAPP Act in 2015, the law on rape at the federal level was gender-specific and devoid of gender neutrality. The genderisation was inherent in all the provisions of the relevant laws on rape to warrant the conclusive position that rape in Nigeria can only be committed by a male person towards a female person. The present de-genderisation that was brought about by the VAPP Act in 2015 could be said to have been influenced by the desire of the federal lawmakers to incorporate gender mainstreaming into the jurisprudence of rape law in Nigeria. As earlier posited, the ultimate goal of gender mainstreaming is gender equality in spheres of gender relations, in law and in the applications of such law.

The face of rape law in Nigeria before the VAPP Act 2015 (at the federal level) can be gleaned from the relevant provisions in the Criminal Code and the Penal Code. The provisions of the Acts on rape are as set out below:

Criminal Code

Any person who has unlawful carnal knowledge of a woman or girl, without her consent, or with her consent, if the consent is obtained by force or by means of threats or intimidation of any kind, or by fear of harm, or by means of false and fraudulent representation as to the nature of the act, or, in the case of a married woman, by personating her husband, is guilty of the offence which is called rape.14

Unlawful carnal knowledge means carnal connection which takes place otherwise than other than between husband and wife.15

Penal Code Act

A man is said to commit rape who, except in the case referred to in subsection (2) of this section, has sexual intercourse with a woman in any of the following circumstances –

against her will;

without her consent;

with her consent, when her consent has been obtained by putting her in fear of death or of hurt;

with her consent, when the man knows that he is not her husband and that her consent is given because she believes that he is another man to whom she is or believes herself to be lawfully married;

with or without her consent, when she is under fourteen years of age or of unsound mind.

Sexual intercourse by a man with his own wife is not rape, if she has attained to puberty.16

The provisions of section 357 of the Criminal Code and section 282 of the Penal Code have received appreciable judicial interpretation in a plethora of cases.17 In Gambo Idi v. Kano State,18 a recent case decided by the Supreme Court in June 2017, section 282 of the Penal Code was interpreted and the conviction of the appellant for the offence of rape was affirmed. The Supreme Court drew out the following ingredients of rape from the provisions:19

The accused had sexual intercourse with the prosecutrix.

The act of sexual intercourse was done without her consent or the consent was obtained by fraud, force, threat, intimidation, deceit or impersonation.

The prosecutrix was not the wife of the accused.

The accused had the mens rea, the intention to have sexual intercourse with the prosecutrix without her consent or the...

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