IV Political Process: Public Opinion, Attitudes, Parties, Forces, Groups and Elections vie Politique: Opinion Publique, Attitudes, Partis, Forces, Groupes et Élections
| Published date | 01 December 2017 |
| Date | 01 December 2017 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/002083451706700604 |
| Subject Matter | Abstracts |
722
IV
POLITICAL PROCESS : PUBLIC OPINION,
ATTITUDES, PARTIES, FORCES, GROUPS AND ELECTIONS
VIE POLITIQUE : OPINION PUBLIQUE,
ATTITUDES, PARTIS, FORCES, GROUPES ET ÉLECTIONS
67.6799 ALDRICH, Daniel P. ; FRASER, Timothy — All politics is
local: judicial and electoral institutions’ role in Japan’s
nuclear restarts. Pacific Affairs 90(3), Sept. 2017 : 433-457.
Since the March 2011 compounded disasters, Japanese energy policy,
especially its nuclear policy, has been paralyzed. After the Fukushima
disasters, public opinion turned against nuclear energy while the central
government continued to push for restarts of the many offline reactors.
Based on nearly thirty interviews with relevant actors and primary and
secondary materials, we use qualitative comparative an alysis (QCA) and
five case studies to illuminate the impact of conditions influencing reactor
restarts in Japan after 3/11. We investigate which local actors hold the
greatest power to veto nuclear power policy, and why and when they
choose to use it. Key decisions in nuclear power policy involve approval
from multiple institutions with varying legal jurisdiction, making vetoes the
result of multiple actors and conditions. [R, abr.]
67.6800 ALLIK, Mirjam — Welfare state and representation: do
women make the welfare state or does the welfare state
make women representatives? Representation 52(4), Nov.
2016 : 253-269.
The relationship between welfare states and women's representation in
parliaments has been of great interest to scholars. However, different
strands of the literature on gender and political representation suggest
opposing directions of causality. On the one hand it is argued that a rise
in welfare spending increases women's representation in parliaments,
but on the other hand, more women in parliaments is said to expand
welfare spending. This paper analyses the problem empirically and finds
that the lagged values of women's parliamentary representation are
better predictors of welfare spending than the lagged values of spending
are of women's per cent in parliaments. In other words, women make the
welfare state and welfare spending does not make female representa-
tives. [R]
67.6801 ALMEIDA, Dimitri — Exclusionary secularism: the Front
national and the reinvention of laïcité. Modern and Con-
temporary France 25(3), Aug. 2017 : 249-263.
After two decades of privileged relations with Catholic traditionalism, the
Front national (FN) now presents itself as the staunchest defender of
laïcité. This article examines this alleged secular turn by analysing its
relation with Marine Le Pen’s strategy of normalisation. It argues that
laïcité in today’s bleu marine FN must be understood both as a new
frame to legitimise old preferences and as a strategy to reach heteroge-
neous constituencies. Furthermore, the article places the FN’s under-
standing of laïc ité into the larger context of the diffusion of exclusionary
readings of French secularism since 1989. [R]
67.6802 ALTMAN, David ; FLAVIN, Patrick ; RADCLIFF, Benjamin —
Democratic institutions and subjective well-being. Politi-
cal Studies 65(3), Oct. 2017 : 685-704.
We examine how differences in how democracy is institutionalized affect
life satisfaction across nations. To our knowledge, this is the first rigor-
ous, systematic study of this subject. Using data for 21 OECD countries
from 1981 to 2008, we find robust evidence that citizens report living
more satisfying lives in countries with a parliamentary (rather than presi-
dential) executive, a proportional representation electoral system (as
opposed to single member districts), and a unitary (rather than federal)
governmental structure. Moreover, the findings suggest that the real-
world consequences for these types of democratic institutions for human
well-being are substantial, rivaling or exceeding other common predic-
tors. We conclude with a discussion of the practical and theoretical
implications of the results. [R]
67.6803 ALVES, Jorge Antonio ; HUNTER, Wendy — From right to
left in Brazil’s Northeas t: transformation, or “politics as
usual”? Comparative Politics 49(4), July 2017 : online.
How does political change occur in subnational units of federal systems?
Long under conservative rule, Brazil’s state of Bahia has experienced the
recent electoral rise of the Workers’ Party (PT). How has the left party
wrested control from the right? Challenging previous studies, which focus
on establishing new organizational networks, we emphasize the tradi-
tional leveraging of linkages to higher levels of government and forging
of pragmatic alliances. Marked parallels between PT strategies in con-
temporary Bahia and those of the old political machine suggest the
pursuit of a territorially segmented strategy to penetrate different subna-
tional units. The PT, which had hoped to transform the existing system,
was instead changed by it. Segmentation allowed the PT to win office but
at the cost of its transformational project. [R]
67.6804 AMBRASAT, Jens — Affektive Wahrnehmung von
politischen Parteien. Ein Vorschlag zur Messung von
positiven, negativen und multiplen Parteiidentifikationen
(Affective perception of political parties. A proposal to
measuring positive, negative, and multiple party identifi-
cations). Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsycho-
logie 69(2), June 2017 : 307-330.
There is an ongoing debate about the conceptual underpinnings of party
identification. There are voices calling for a better social-psychological
foundation of party identification, while at the same time others require a
better operationalization in multi-party contexts including negative and
multiple party identifications. The study contributes to this debate and
suggests to measure party identification as affective meanings of party
names using the semantic differential scale. The approach refers to
sociological theories of identity that have been neglected in the debate
so far. Using data from an pre-election survey in 2013 with 352 partici-
pants, cluster of subjects with similar patterns of affective meaning
making have been explored and are demonstrated how they reflect
positive, negative and multiple party identifications as well. [R, abr.]
67.6805 ANDERSEN, Simon Calmar — From passive to active
representation — experimental evidence on the role of
normative values in shaping white and minority bureau-
crats’ policy attitudes. Journal of Public Administration Re-
search and Theory 27(3), July 2017 : 400-414.
Studies of representative bureaucracy have shown how minority groups
are often underrepresented in public agencies (passive representation)
and that the match between bureaucrats’ and clients’ racial background
has important impacts on minority groups (active representation). Much
less attention has been devoted to the question of what influences this
link from passive to active representation, and, in this case, what factors
moderate how bureaucrats’ demographic background transforms into
attitudes toward multicultural policies. A survey experiment among Texas
school principals shows how emphasizing the normative value of ethnic
and cultural differences increases the discrepancy between white and
minority bureaucrats’ attitudes toward a minority-supportive policy.
However, emphasizing that research-based evidence supports the policy
makes all bureaucrats more positive. [R, abr.]
67.6806 ANDERSON, Leslie E. ; DODD, Lawrence C. ; PARK Won-
ho — Electoral competition and democratic decline in
Nicaragua: uncovering an electorally viable platform for
the right. Democratization 24(6), Oct. 2017 : 970-986.
Between the 1980s and 2006, Nicaragua was a competitive democracy
where parties of the left and right won national presidential elections and
relinquished power when their terms ended. More recently the quality of
Nicaragua’s democracy has deteriorated. This change is due partly to
autocratic behavior by the elected leftist president, Daniel Ortega. But
democratic decline is also the result of factional divisions and vague,
outmoded policy commitments on the right that have crippled its electoral
competitiveness, enabling Ortega’s behavior. Utilizing an experimental
research design, this article identifies two modernized policy platforms
that could significantly broaden rightist electoral support in presidential
campaigns, aiding democratic resurgence in Nicaragua. [R, abr.]
67.6807 ANGHEL, Veronica — Alliance-building strategies in post-
communist Romania (1990-2016). Südosteuropa Mittei-
lungen 57(3), 2017 : 16-29.
Romania is a semi-presidential republic with a multi-party parliamentary
system. During the 28 years of democratic state-building, this institutional
Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections
723
design has forced political parties to build electoral alliances and form
coalition governments. The article illuminates the reasons for an alliance
of the Rom anian parties in their quest for winning votes in the post-
communist setting. It reflects on the most successful alliance-building
models in the seven electoral cycles of parliament that have taken place
between 1990 and 2016. [R, abr.]
67.6808 ANRIA, Santiago ; CYR, Jennifer — Inside revolutionary
parties: coalition-building and maintenance in reformist
Bolivia. Comparative Political Studies 50(9), Aug. 2017 :
1255-1287.
This article explores the coalitional success of mass-mobilizing, reformist
parties once they achieve power. Why are some of these parties more
successful than others at managing the potentially conflicting interests of
their diverse social bases? We argue that organizational strategies
adopted early on matter greatly. The nature of the party’s core constitu-
ency, together with the linkage strategies undertaken by party leaders in
crafting a coalition of support, shapes a party’s ability to maintain that
coalition over time. When coalitional partners are intensively rather than
extensively integrated, they are more likely to compromise over policy
disagreements rather than defect when defection becomes attractive.
We develop this theory by comparing the evolution of two Bolivian
parties: the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement and the Movement
Toward Socialism. [R, abr.]
67.6809 ARVATE, Paulo ; FIRPO, Sergio ; PIERI, Renan — Future
electoral impacts of having a female mayor. Brazilian Po-
litical Science Review 11(2), 2017 : online.
We explore an electoral quasi-experiment where a woman nearly won or
lost to a man in a mayoral election. Our data combine municipal Brazilian
election results, which occur every four years, with municipal-level votes
for female and male candidates in state and federal deputy elections,
whose districts are larger than the municipalities. Our results show that
when voters are exposed to a female leader, the relative number of votes
given to female candidates increases. This result depends on the politi-
cal environment in which the exposure occurs. These effects on the
electorate's response tend to be stronger: (1) in municipalities where
there is a previous higher proportion of female councilors, and (2) when
the mayors have higher education levels. [R, abr.]
67.6810 ARVATE, Paulo ; MITTLAENDER, Sergio — Condemning
corruption while condoning inefficiency: an experimental
investigation into voting behavior. Public Choice 172(3-4),
Sept. 2017 : 399-419.
This article reports results from an economic experiment that investi-
gates the extent to which voters punish corruption and waste in elec-
tions. While both are responsible for reductions in voters’ welfare, they
are not necessarily perceived as equally immoral. The empirical literature
in political agency has not yet dealt with these two dimensions of voters’
choice calculus. Our results suggest that morality and norms are indeed
crucial for a superior voting equilibrium in systems with heterogeneous
politicians: while corruption always is punished, self-interest alone — in
the absence of norms — leads to the acceptance and perpetuation of
waste and social losses. [R]
67.6811 ASATRYAN, Zareh ; HAVLIK, Annika ; STREIF, Frank —
Vetoing and inaugurating policy like others do: evidence
on spatial interactions in voter initiatives. Public Choice
172(3-4), Sept. 2017 : 525-544.
A sizeable literature studies strategic interactions between governments.
We ask whether, in the presence of direct democratic institutions, voters’
actions in vetoing a decision or inaugurating a policy by a binding initia-
tive in their jurisdiction have spillover effects on the actions of voters in
neighboring jurisdictions. We collect (and make available) data on 3300
initiatives in German towns from 2002 to 2014 and match these to panel
data on the towns’ sociodemographic and fiscal characteristics. We
apply an instrumental variables approach and find that a jurisdiction’s
probability of hosting an initiative is positively driven by the neighbors’
direct democratic activity. [R]
67.6812 ASHE, Jeanette — Women's legislative underrepresenta-
tion: enough come forward, (still) too few chosen. Cana-
dian Journal of Political Science 50(2), 2017 : 597-613.
Scholars agree skewed candidate pools put forward by parties during
elections cause sex-disproportionate seat distribution, but disagree as to
whether disproportionality is caused by too few women aspirant candi-
dates coming forward (supply) or party selectors preferring men (de-
mand). This paper uses a multistage method to explore supply and
demand during the British Labour party's candidate-selection process.
Rare data from three elections and 4622 aspirants allow for an unob-
structed look inside the secret garden of politics and reveal the party is
not fully feminized insofar that women aspirants are disproportionally
filtered out of its selection process and are disproportionally underrepre-
sented in its candidate pool. Testing reveals a lack of selector demand
for women aspirants has a greater impact on women's underrepresenta-
tion than an undersupply of women aspirants, a finding which supports
using sex quotas to level imbalanced candidate slates. [R, abr.] [See
Abstr. 67.6426]
67.6813 ÅSTRÖM, Joachim ; JONSSON, Magnus E. ; KARLSSON,
Martin — Democratic innovations: reinforcing or chang-
ing perceptions of trust? International Journal of Public
Administration 40(7), 2017 : 575-587.
Declining trust in representative institutions is considered one of the most
significant political problems of our time. It is often suggested that demo-
cratic innovations — or mechanisms which aim to increase and deepen
citizen participation in the political decision-making process — can help
reverse this trend. However, empirical research about actual effects of
participation on trust is scarce, and weakened by causality problems.
With survey data representing 1,470 participants in a landmark Swedish
e-petition system, the article shows that both generalized attitudes and
process evaluations matter in how trust is affected by democratic innova-
tions. [R]
67.6814 AUDETTE, Andre P. ; BROCKWAY, Mark ; WEAVER, Chris-
topher L. — Adapting identities: religious conversion and
partisanship among Asian American immigrants. Ameri-
can Politics Research 45(4), July 2017 : 692-721.
While Asian-American immigrants have experienced greater economic
success than other minority groups, this has not necessarily led to
greater political incorporation such as identification with a political party.
Political parties have made little substantive outreach to Asian-
Americans, leaving a void in political socialization that other institutions,
such as churches, have sought to fill. Yet the US religious landscape is
often quite different from that of Asian immigrants’ sending countries,
providing opportunities for changes in religious identity through conver-
sion. Leveraging data from the 2012 Pew Asian American Survey, we
show that conversion from Buddhism to Christianity among Asian-
American immigrants facilitates the development of partisan political
identities. We demonstrate that conversion functions as an adaptation in
identity that helps facilitate subsequent changes in identity, such as the
acquisition of partisanship. [R, abr.]
67.6815 AZLAN, Ariff Aizuddin ; AULKANAIN, Abdul Rahman — The
2014 Bukit Gelugor by-elections in the state of Penang,
Malaysia: electoral pressur[e]? Asian Profile 45(1), Feb.
2017 : 1-16.
In April 2014, Malaysia was untimely struck with the death of the most
well-known criminal lawyer, K. Singh, in a car accident. The sudden
death of Karpal led to a new chapter in the course of Malaysia’s political
setting and it paved a way for the Bukit Gelugor by-elections to be held.
Unlike previous by-elections held, these Bukit Gelugor by-elections
appeared to be different in terms of parties’ involvement: the by-elections
were a fight between the DAP and independent candidates. Political
change in the state of Penang as w ell as the extent of its pressurization
towards the opposition PR-DAP can thus be analyzed through the
electoral framework of the Bukit Gelugor by-elections.
67.6816 BARKER, Fiona ; McMILLAN, Kate — Factors influencing
the electoral participation of Asian im migrants in New
Zealand. Political Science 69(2), 2017 : 139-160.
We employ a qualitative, focus group-based research design to examine
the electoral participation of first-generation Asian immigrants. We ask,
first, what are the main factors that lead Asian im migrants in New Zea-
land to participate or not participate in parliamentary elections and,
second, do these reasons vary among immigrants from different national
backgrounds? Our findings suggest that the low electoral turnout record-
ed among New Zealand Asians is likely to be at least in part an artefact
of the recentness of much immigration from non-English-speaking
countries such as South Korea and China. The paper also identifies the
role government agencies, political parties and the ethnic media could
play in communicating information about New Zealand’s electoral poli-
tics, with potentially significant dividends for future voting rates among
Asian immigrants in New Zealand. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6817]
67.6817 BARKER, Fiona ; McMILLAN, Kate — Researching immi-
grant and emigrant voting. Political Science 69(2), 2017 :
93-100.
This article introduces the papers in this Special Issue on immigrant and
emigrant voting. It discusses theoretical and empirical themes regarding
immigrant and emigra nt voting, including turnout among immigrants and
emigrants, partisanship among immigrants and franchise rules for immi-
grants and emigrants. It outlines existing findings and gaps in the litera-
ture on these themes, and then explains how the articles in this Special
Political process : public opinion, attitudes, parties, forces, groups and elections
724
Issue advance knowledge in this field. The case studies examined in this
Special Issue— Canada, Australia and New Zealand — are also intro-
duced. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on "Immigrant and Emigrant
Voting in Canada, Australia and New Zealand". See Abstr. 67.6816,
6832, 6932, 7062, 7144]
67.6818 BARKUN, Michael — President Trump and the “fringe”
Terrorism and Political Violence 29(3), 2017 : 437-443.
The “fringe” — rejected and marginalized ideas and beliefs — has
historically been clearly divided from the cultural and political main-
stream. However, recent technological developments have weakened
the boundary separating them. The internet and social media have made
it possible for fringe ideas to move much more readily into the main-
stream. The Trump campaign was accompanied by the massive infusion
of fringe motifs including the denigration of ethnic and religious groups;
the support of political extremists; and the acceptance of conspiracy
theories. As the fringe becomes legitimated by this mainstreaming, the
possibilities for violence increase. [R] [See Abstr. 67.6535]
67.6819 BARNIDGE, Matthew — Exposure to political disagree-
ment in social media versus face-to-face and anonymous
online settings. Political Communication 34(2), Apr.-June
2017 : 302-321.
This article investigates political disagreement on social media in com-
parison to face-to-face and anonymous online settings. Because of the
structure of social relationships and the social norms that influence
expression, it is hypothesized that people perceive more political disa-
greement in social media settings versus face-to-face and anonymous
online settings. Analyses of an online survey of adults in the US show
that (a) social media users perceive more political disagreement than
non-users, (b) they perceive more of it on social media than in other
communication settings, and (c) news use on social media is positively
related to perceived disagreement on social media. Results are dis-
cussed in light of their implications for current debates about the con-
temporary public sphere and directions for future research. [R]
67.6820 BARRIO, Astrid ; RODRÍGUEZ-TERUEL, Juan — Reducing
the g ap between leaders and voters? Elite polarization,
outbidding competition, and the rise of secessionism in
Catalonia. Ethnic and Racial Studies 40(10), Aug. 2017 :
1776-1794.
The ethnic outbidding thesis explains party polarization as a conse-
quence of political changes amongst voters. We argued instead that
party elites’ extreme position on the national identity cleavage can help
polarizing strategies to prevail over moderate strategies in a context of
increasing political uncertainty, without previous voters’ polarization. We
test successfully this hypothesis in Catalonia by analyzing the polariza-
tion of political parties and people’s demands for self-government in
Catalonia since the early 2000s. We also find that the result of this
outbidding pattern of competition was a reduction in the gap between
elites’ and voters’ views on national identity. The analysis employs a
unique data-set on party elites and activists’ national identity, from
several surveys conducted on the delegates at party conferences of the
main Catalan parties between 1996 and 2012. [R, abr.]
67.6821 BARTLE, John ; BIRCH, Sarah ; SKIRMUNTT, Mariana —
The local roots of the participation gap: inequality and
voter turnout. Electoral Studies 48, Aug. 2017 : 30-44.
It is generally accepted that the rich are more likely to participate in
politics than the poor. It is also generally accepted that the probability
than an individual will participate in elections is influenced by the gap
between the rich and the poor. There is little agreement, however, about
whether inequality across time and space increases or decreases partic-
ipation. In this paper we examine the impact of inequality across space.
We suggest that the impact of inequality depends crucially on whether it
is defined in terms of variations between geographical units ("segrega-
tion") or within geographical units ("heterogeneity"). Evidence to support
this argument is drawn from multi-level British data. [R, abr.]
67.6822 BATTON, Jennifer ; Juliette, SHED, eds. — Violent extrem-
ism and youth recruitment. Peace Review 29(2), Apr.-June
2017 : 135-214.
Symposium. Articles by D.B. SUBEDI, "Early warning and response for
preventing radicalization and violent extremism", pp. 135-143; Kieran
FORD, "Developing a peace perspective on counter-extremist educa-
tion", pp. 144-152; Sherrill W. HAYES, "Changing radicalization to
resilience by understanding marginalization", pp. 153-159; Linda N.
KOVACK, "ACT as potential for de-radicalizing, disengaging, and reinte-
grating US youth", pp. 160-169; Caroline BROOKS, "Enhancing conflict
resilience of young Syrians", pp. 170-175; Jim BURNS, "Biopolitics, toxic
masculinities, disavowed histories, and youth radicalization", pp. 176-
183; Taylor O'CONNOR, "Intolerance in the mainstream", pp. 184-191;
Mirgul KARIMOVA, "Key messages, images, and media channels radi-
calizing youth in Kyrgyzstan", pp. 192-198; Saheed Ahmad RUFAI,
"Boko Haram and its modalities of recruiting and radicalizing members",
pp. 199-206; Victor Ikechukwu OGHARANDUKU, "Violent extremism
and grievance in Sub-Saharan Africa", pp. 207-214.
67.6823 BEAUREGARD, Katrine — Quotas and gender gaps in
political participation among established industrial Eu-
ropean democracies: distinguishing within- and across-
country effects. Political Research Quarterly 70(3), Sept.
2017 : 657-672.
This paper investigated the influence of legislative quotas on gender
differences in political participation by analyzing the within- and across-
country effects of quotas. Gender quotas can signal to women that their
presence in politics is welcome, leading to a subsequent increase in their
involvement in political activities. This change in political behavior should
not be reproduced in men; thus, when gender quotas are present, the
gap between men’s and women’s participation narrows. Using the
European Values Survey and data from eighteen European democra-
cies, this paper demonstrates that this indeed occurs for some political
activities when gender gaps are compared before and after the introduc-
tion of quotas within countries. This result, however, is not replicated for
across-country analyses. European countries without legislative gender
quotas tend to have smaller gender gaps than countries with them. [R,
abr.]
67.6824 BELAFI, Matthias — Der Erfolg der FPÖ: Österreichs
Parteien- und Regierungssystem unter Druck (The suc-
cess of the FPÖ: Austria's party system and form of gov-
ernment under pressure). Zeitschrift für Politik 64(3), 2017 :
364-383.
The close defeat of the FPÖ candidate Norbert Hofer in the Austrian
presidential election 2016 was seen throughout Europe as a signal for
the rise of right-wing populist parties. Even if the FPÖ will presumably
not perform as well in the national elections 2017 as expected one year
ago, the party will probably still be involved in the upcoming Austrian
federal government. Against this background, the article examines the
development, program, strategy and success factors of the right-wing
populist party within the Austrian concordance system. From the opposi-
tion role, the FPÖ has had immense influence on Austria’s party system
and the form of government and is therefore a major factor in the coun-
try’s political structure. [R, abr.]
67.6825 BENTLEY, Michelle — Trigger warnings and the student
experience. Politics 37(4), Nov. 2017 : 470-485.
The use of trigger warnings (TW) in higher education (HE) is a point of
significant contention. Discussion has centred on academic perspectives.
This study turns that around to ask what the student experiences of TW
are, how they are perceived, and what this contributes to the existing
debate. Based on survey and focus group data from two undergraduate
modules, this article demonstrates that students are similarly divided on
TW. It also re-assesses the current debate with respect to posi-
tive/negative effects on students, in-class applications of TW, how far
students believe their learning environment should be ‘controlled’, and
perceived censorship. [R]
67.6826 BERGMANN, Knut ; DIERMEIER, Matthias ; NIEHUES,
Judith — Allzeit fern des Durchschnitts: Politische An-
sichten der AfD-Anhänger (Always far from the average:
Political views of AfD supporters). Forschungsjournal
Neue soziale Bewegungen 30(2), 2017 : 12-25.
The authors analyze findings from opinion polling on political views of
AfD supporters. The analysis focuses on the question of AfD supporters,
in the party’s foundational phase, were explicitly economically liberal and
then gradually overtaken by supporters of the right-wing conservative
wing. At the same time, the analysis also provides an answer to the
question of whether AfD supporters increasingly shifted the party’s focus
towards the right of the political spectrum — or if, quite the opposite, they
have always held more radical views than what could be expected
judging from the party leadership and the official platform, at least when
the party was founded. [R] [First of a thematic issue on "Die neue Nor-
malität? Der aufhaltsame Aufstieg des Rechtspopulismus (The new
normality? The resistible rise of right wing populism)". See also Abstr.
67.6488, 6834, 6928, 6994, 7072, 7087, 7094, 7142]
67.6827 BERKHOUT, Joost ; HANEGRAAFF, Marcel ; BRAUN,
Caelesta — Is the EU different? Comparin g the diversity
of national and EU-level systems of interest organisa-
tions. West European Politics 40(5), Sept. 2017 : 1109-1131.
The EU interest group population is often characterized as being biased
towards business and detached from its constituency base. M any schol-
ars attribute this to institutional factors unique to the EU. Yet, assessing
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