IV Political Process : Public Opinion, Attitudes, Parties, Forces, Groups and Elections / Vie Politique : Opinion Publique, Attitudes, Partis, Forces, Groupes et Élections

Published date01 October 2021
Date01 October 2021
DOI10.1177/00208345211051898
669
IV
POLITICAL PROCESS : PUBLIC OPINION,
ATTITUDES, PARTIES, FORCES, GROUPS AND ELECTIONS
VIE POLITIQUE : OPINION PUBLIQUE,
ATTITUDES, PARTIS, FORCES, GROUPES ET ÉLECTIONS
71.6488 AASKOVEN, Lasse Fiscal rules and electoral turnout.
Political Science Research and Methods 9(2), Apr. 2021 : 259-
274.
A growing literature has argued that electoral turnout decreases the more
government policy is constrained by economic and institutional factors.
This paper investigates whether a certain type of policy constraint, fiscal
rules, lowers turnout. Since fiscal rules set limits for government fiscal pol-
icy, they sh ould lower the incentive for citizens to participate electorally.
However, using parliamentary turnout data in a large panel of democratic
countries, little robust evidence is found in favor of fiscal rules having a
depressing effect on electoral turnout. Analysis of European individual-
level data also suggests that national fiscal rules do not affect inequality in
electoral turnout between income groups either. [R, abr.]
71.6489 ABTS, Koen, et al. The welfare agenda of the populist
radical right in Western Europe: combining welfare chau-
vinism, producerism and populism. Swiss Political Science
Review 27(1), March 2021 : 21-40.
Recent scholarship on the populist radical right tends to imprecisely de-
scribe the welfare agenda of this party family with reference to its key ide-
ological characteristics of nativism, authoritarianism, and populism. We
propose an alternative analytical framework that considers the multidimen-
sionality of welfare state positions and the “deservingness criteria” that un-
derlie ideas about welfare entitlement. Applying this framework to a sam-
ple of four European populist radical right parties, we conclude that three
interrelated frames inform their welfare agenda. These parties, we argue,
advocate social closure not only on the basis of the deservingness crite-
rion of identity (welfare chauvinism), but also on criteria of control, attitude,
and reciprocity (welfare producerism) and on an antagonism between the
people and the establishment (welfare populism). [R, abr.]
71.6490 ADAM, Christian, et al. Differential discrimination against
mobile EU citizens: experimental evidence from bureau-
cratic choice settings. Journal of European Public Policy
28(5), 2021 : 742-760.
EU citizens have rights when living in a member state other than their own.
Bureaucratic discrimination undermines the operation of these rights. We
go beyond extant research on bureaucratic discrimination in two ways.
First, we move beyond considering mobile EU citizens as homogenous
immigrant minority to assess whether EU citizens from certain countries
face greater discrimination than others. Second, we analyse whether dis-
crimination patterns vary between the general population and public ad-
ministrators regarding attributes triggering discrimination and whether ac-
countability prevents discrimination. In a pre-registered design, we con-
duct a population-based conjoint experiment in Germany including a sub-
sample of public administrators. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 71.6305]
71.6491 ADAMS, James ; BERNARDI, Luca ; PHILLIPS, M. Christine
The simplest government heuristic of all: citizens infer
that governing parties are pro-European Union. Compara-
tive Political Studies 54(7), June 2021 : 1227-1255.
Previous research documents that citizens apply a “coalition heuristic” to
infer that governing coalition partners share more similar policies and ide-
ologies than are implied by the statements in their election manifestos. We
propose even simpler government-related heuristics citizens can apply to
infer party positions on European integration: the current government heu-
ristic that currently governing parties are more pro-Europe than opposition
parties, and the long-term opposition heuristic that opposition parties that
have never governed are less pro-Europe than opposition parties with pre-
vious governing experience. We report theoretical and empirical analyses
of survey data from 24 European Union member states, which substanti-
ate that citizens apply these heuristics, which have consequences for citi-
zens’ policy beliefs and their party support. We also find evidence that cit-
izens respond to policy as measured through election manifestos and ex-
pert surveys. [R]
71.6492 AHMED, Reem ; PISOIU, Daniela Uniting the far right:
how the far-right extremist, New Right, and populist
frames overlap on Twitter a German case study. Euro-
pean Societies 23(2), 2021 : 232-254.
Recent elections in Europe have demonstrated a steady rise in the suc-
cess of right-wing populist parties. While advancing an anti-immigration
agenda, these parties have been adamant to distance themselves from
‘right-wing extremism’. This article analyses a sample of tweets collected
from the Twitter accounts of the German AfD, Identitarian Movement and
the Autonomous Nationalists by employing frame analysis. We conclude
that the frames of far-right actors classified as extremist, New Right, and
populist in fact convergeand we discuss our findings in the context of re-
lated case studies in other European countries. [R]
71.6493 AICHHOLZER, Julian ; KRITZINGER, Sylvia ; PLESCIA, Car-
olina National identity profiles and support for the Euro-
pean Union. European Union Politics 22(2), June 2021 : 293-
315.
Scholars have long recognized that national identity-related factors are
among the strongest predictors of citizens’ attitudes toward the EU. But
while some find that they reinforce support for the EU, other scholars show
that national identity undermines its support. In this article, we aim to dis-
entangle this puzzle by studying how the national identity profiles of Euro-
pean citizens relate to support for the EU across individuals and member
states. To this end, we employ data from the International Social Survey
Program 2013, by far the most extensive collection of survey questions on
national identity, and the technique of latent class analysis. [R, abr.]
71.6494 AICHHOLZER, Julian ; RAMMSTEDT, Beatrice Can spe-
cific personality traits better explain EU attitudes? Acta
Politica 56(3), July 2021 : 530-547.
Scholars trying to understand attitudes toward the EU are increasingly in-
terested in citizens’ basic predispositions, such as the “Big Five” person-
ality traits. However, previous research on this particular relationship has
failed to provide sound hypotheses and lacks consistent evidence. We
propose that looking at specific facets of the Big Five offers a deeper un-
derstanding of the associations between personality predispositions, their
measures, and EU attitudes. For this purpose, the 60-item Big Five Inven-
tory-2, which explicitly measures Big Five domains and facets, was admin-
istered in a German population sample. We applied a variant of structural
equation modeling and found that personality predispositions promoting
communal and solidary behavior, cognitive elaboration, and a lower ten-
dency to experience negative emotions predicted support for further Euro-
pean integration. [R, abr.]
71.6495 AKBOGA, Sema ; SAHIN, Osman Satisfaction with de-
mocracy in Turkey: findings from a national survey. Poli-
tics 41(2), May 2021 : 207-223.
A variety of factors affect citizens’ satisfaction with democracy. Based on
Turkey’s political and economic context, as well as the existing literature,
this study investigates the effect of four factors on people’s satisfaction
with democracy in Turkey: citizens’ conceptualizations of democracy, be-
ing a political winner, citizens’ perceptions of electoral integrity, and ethnic
identity. Regression analysis of a nationally representative survey reveals
that political losers and those with negative perceptions of electoral integ-
rity are less satisfied with democracy in Turkey, while people’s conceptu-
alizations of democracy and ethnic identity do not have an effect on satis-
faction with democracy. We conclude that, in Turkey, political polarization
and negative perceptions of electoral integrity trigger a decline in citizens’
satisfaction with democracy, which requires the attention of policymakers.
[R]
71.6496 AKKAN, Başak ; LEPIANKA, Dorota Representative jus-
tice in the European normative framework and tensions
with the national political discourses. European Politics and
Society 22(3), 2021 : 435-450.
Political discourses in Europe operate at the supranational, national and
local level, with supranational institutions providing a normative framework
for the policy making at lower governance level. However, the actual ap-
peal of the legal, political and normative frameworks offered by suprana-
tional European institutions remains unclear. For example, while ‘justice’
Political process : public opinion, attitudes, parties, forces, groups and elections
670
is deemed constitutive of European values and ideals of democracy, and
European institutions offer a clear vision of what ‘justice’ in pluralistic Eu-
ropean societies should imply, relatively little is known about how this nor-
mative framework is reflected in national-level politics. The current article
aims to close this gap by comparing political discourses on representative
justice in six European countries with the European normative framework
reconstructed on the basis of documents issued by the Council of Europe
(CoE) and the European Parliament (EP). [R, abr.]
71.6497 Al-ANANI, Khalil Devout neoliberalism?! Explaining
Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood's socio-economic perspec-
tive and policies. Politics and Religion 13(4), Dec. 2020 : 748-
767.
How can we explain the neoliberal orientation of Islamist movements in
the Middle East? This paper attempts to answer this question by exploring
the case of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. It analyzes in depth the
Brotherhood's socio-economic vision and policies when it was in power
between 2012 and 2013. It argues that the Brotherhood adopted a market-
oriented vision, which encouraged the private sector, liberalized the econ-
omy, and appealed to foreign investments. As a socio-political movement,
the Brotherhood attempted to strike a balance between its constituency,
which is rooted in the lower, middle, and upper-middle classes, and its
commitment to neoliberal policies. However, this paradoxical balance bur-
dened the movement and affected its popularity. [R, abr.][See Abstr.
71.6547]
71.6498 ALBERTAZZI, Daniele ; BONANSINGA, Donatella ; ZU-
LIANELLO, Mattia The right-wing alliance at the time of
the COVID-19 pandemic: all change? Contemporary Italian
Politics 13(2), 2021 : 181-195.
The growth of populist radical right parties at the expense of Berlusconi’s
Forza Italia (FI) has recently reconfigured the right in Italy. Changes in
power relations created for the Lega (League), Fratelli d’Italia (Brothers of
Italy, FdI) and FI, different competitive pressures, resulting in distinctive
and often conflicting responses to the pandemic. Based on the analysis
of these parties’ Twitter accounts and on survey data, this article examines
how right-wing actors positioned themselves vis à vis the government, and
each other, throughout 2020. Eventually, the League became the govern-
ment’s most vocal critic, forcing FdI to follow suit; meanwhile, FI reinvented
itself as a moderate, pro-EU party. Despite these changes, our analysis
also stresses continuity, insofar as the alliance continued to craft its mes-
sage around taxation, the EU, immigration and law/order, as it had done
in the past. It also continued to enjoy electoral support similar to that of
recent decades. [R] [See Abstr. 71.7027]
71.6499 ALBERTAZZI, Daniele ; ZULIANELLO, Mattia Populist
electoral competition in Italy: the impact of sub-national
contextual factors. Contemporary Italian Politics 13(1),
2021 : 4-30.
This article investigates the impact of sub-national contextual variations
on the performance of populist actors in a country in which several elec-
torally relevant populist parties exist: Italy. By employing a multi-model
Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) of the 2018 Italian general elec-
tion, it explores the extent to which factors such as the distribution of ‘eco-
nomic losers’ and the impact of migration, political discontent and societal
malaise have influenced the performance of the Lega (League) and the
Movimento Cinque Stelle (Five-star Movement, M5s). The study shows
that, while the League has thrived especially in areas characterized by
‘cultural backlash’, but also in contexts characterized by Euroscepticism
and societal malaise, the success of the M5s cannot be explained without
reference to poor economic and institutional performances. [R, abr.]
71.6500 ANDAÇ-JONES, Elif The Gezi protests in Turkey: on
movement spirit, coalition building, and responding to au-
thoritarianism. SAIS Review of International Affairs 40(2),
Summer-Fall 2021 : 87-95.
In May and June of 2013, a spontaneous urban protest emerged in Taksim
Square, in response to the aggressive development plans to convert one
of the few remaining green spaces in [Istanbul] into an all-concrete private
shopping mall complex. These protests quickly grew into a countrywide
anti-government movement with a broad coalition of students and working
and middle classes from a wide political landscape. Brutal methods used
in clearing the park helped to expand the concerns of the protest from
environmental to anti-authoritarian. Ultimately, th e event created a plat-
form that unified all opposition voices and gave them hope to resist the
erosion of individual rights and freedoms, loss of public space and per-
ceived injustices of the ruling AKP Party. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 71.6618]
71.6501 ANGERBRANDT, Henrik ; THEMNÉR, Anders Above pol-
itics? Ex-military leaders in Nigerian electoral politics. De-
mocratization 28(4), 2021 : 782-800.
In countries transitioning from military to democratic rule, authoritarian leg-
acies often continue to influence politics. Whereas previous research has
focused on the institutional causes of such deficiencies, there is a lack of
studies examining the role ex-military leaders who re-emerge as civilian
presidents have in sustaining authoritarian tendencies. In this ar ticle, we
begin to fill this lacuna by investigating the question: how and under which
conditions do ex-military leaders' political identity constructions affect their
tendency to place themselves above politics? The literature on neo-patri-
monialism and post-civil war politics points to the importance of the politi-
cal identities of ex-militaries, and we propose a theory that highlights the
role identity construction plays in shaping elites’ decision-making pro-
cesses. [R, abr.]
71.6502 ARANA ARAYA, Ignacio ; HUGHES, Melanie M. ; PÉREZ
LIÑÁN, Aníbal Judicial reshuffles and women justices in
Latin America. American Journal of Political Science 65(2),
Apr. 2021 : 373-388.
Can weak judicial institutions facilitate the advancement of women to the
high courts? We explore the relationship between weak institutions and
gender diversification by analyzing the consequences of judicial reshuffles
in Latin America. Our theory predicts that institutional disruptions will facil-
itate the appointment of women justices, but only when left parties control
the nomination process. We test this argument using differenceindiffer-
ences and dynamic panel models for 18 Latin American countries between
1961 and 2014. The analysis offers support for our hypothesis, but gains
in gender diversification are modest in size and hard to sustain over time.
Political reshuffles may produce shortterm advances for women in the
judiciary, but they do not represent a path to substantive progress in gen-
der equality. [R]
71.6503 ARKILIC, Ayca Turkish populist nationalism in transna-
tional space: explaining diaspora voting behaviour in
homeland elections. Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern
Studies 23(4), 2021 : 586-605.
Turkey has seen a surge in populist nationalism over the last decade. How
this has played out in transnational space through overseas Turkish citi-
zens’ voting behaviour remains understudied, however. This article takes
up this question, focusing on how the populist-nationalist appeals of the
ruling AKP have been received by Turkish citizens in Europe. Specifically,
it asks why such appeals have resonated highly with voters in some host
countries but not in others. The study suggests that expatriates from Tur-
key facing more discrimination are more likely to be wooed by populist-
nationalist discourse from the homeland. The findings draw on official
statements and speeches, Turkish electoral data, the European Union Mi-
norities and Discrimination Survey, newspaper articles, and secondary
sources. [R]
71.6504 ARNESEN, Sveinung, et al. Support for electoral system
reform among voters and politicians: studying infor-
mation effects through survey experiments. Electoral Stud-
ies 71, June 2021 : 102313.
Does information about the consequences of proposals to change the Nor-
wegian parliamentary electoral system influence voters' and politicians' at-
titudes towards the system? Is the willingness to accept change greater
among voters/politicians who “lose” under the present electoral system?
These questions are illuminated using empirical data from two identical
survey experiments, with responses from both voters and politicians about
(1) increased proportionality between parties (more seats for smaller par-
ties) and (2) increased geographical proportionality (stronger representa-
tion for the more populous counties). The results show that being informed
about the consequences of the proposals has a major effect on voters' and
politicians' attitudes. This applies especially to the question of increased
proportionality between parties. [R, abr.]
71.6505 AZIZ, Sardar ; COTTEY, Andrew The Iraqi Kurdish Pesh-
merga: military reform and nation-building in a divided
polity. Defence Studies 21(2), 2021 : 226-241.
During the war against Islamic State from 2014 to 2017 the Iraqi Kurdish
Peshmerga became important local allies of the United States and its in-
ternational partners, playing a significant role in the eventual defeat of Is-
lamic State. In 2017, backed by the US and its Western allies, the Kurdi-
stan Regional Government (KRG) agreed plans to reform and modernize
the Peshmerga. This article provides an analysis of this reform process.
Reform is severely constrained by two problems. First, the continuing soft
civil war between Iraqi Kurdistan’s two main political parties. Second, the
heroic-mythic status of the Peshmerga within Iraqi Kurdish society, which
makes it difficult to convert the Peshmerga into a “normal” military force.
[R, abr.
71.6506 BAHRY, Donna ; KIM Young Hun Executive turnover and
the investigation of former leaders in new democracies.
Political Research Quarterly 74(1), March 2021 : 199-211.
Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections
671
What prompts governments in new democracies to investigate elected
leaders once they leave office? Theorizing about democratic regimes sug-
gests that leadership turnover by constitutional means should generate
few such cases: democratic entry to and exit from office are thought to
prompt benign treatment from successor administrations. Yet over a third
of democratically elected presidents and prime ministers who left office
between 1970 and 2011 have faced investigations for malfeasance. This
study analyzes the conditions that generate such cases. We find that the
odds of investigation rise when there is strong evidence of former leaders’
personal culpability; but also when the executive regime is presidential,
and the judiciary lacks independence from other branches. [R, abr.]
71.6507 BALDINI, Gianfranco ; GIGLIOLI, Matteo F. N. Bread or
circuses? Repoliticization in the Italian populist govern-
ment experience. Government and Opposition 56(3), July
2021 : 505-524.
The majority view within political science is that populism is best under-
stood as a (thin) ideology. We problematize the ideational approach by
broadening the scope of analysis, linking populism to the rise of long-term
generalized anti-political sentiments, against interpretations that tend to tie
the populist wave to conjunctural factors related to recent crises. We argue
that the essence of populism lies at the intersection of the ‘material con-
stitution’ of advanced industrial democracies (that is, how macroeconomic
governance relates to democratic decision-making) and the feelings of so-
cietal alienation that are at the heart of anti-political sentiments. We show
the peculiar coexistence of economic turbulence, heralded by the crisis of
the cartel party and of the neoliberal economic consensus, and an appeal
to a post-democratic ‘virtual politics’ of performed but ineffectual popular
sovereignty. [R, abr.]
71.6508 BARBASHIN, Anton ; IRISOVA, Olga Protesting in Russia
in the 2010s: rising risks, rising costs. SAIS Review of In-
ternational Affairs 40(2), Summer-Fall 2021 : 111-119.
Since the nation-wide protests of 2011-2012, the Russian state apparatus
has invested considerable resources into the prevention, control, and sup-
pression of all forms of public disobedience. Protests that have only a lo-
cal, case-based agenda, do not seek federal support, and do not reach
out to nation-wide protest leaders are capable of achieving success and
convincing state officials to reconsider their decisions, either through com-
promise or by reverting selected state policies. Despite nationwide efforts
by the state to discourage dissatisfied citizens from protesting, public man-
ifestations of discontent are on the rise. Coordinated protest movements
with high-profile leaders and organizational infrastructure are giving way
to leaderless protests coordinated via multiple rallying centers relying on
instant messengers and case-based support of local communities. [R,
abr.] [See Abstr. 71.6618]
71.6509 BARBER, Greg ; KLASSEN, Andrew Climate change, the
Australian Greens, and dynamics of party competition
across five national elections in Australia. Australian Jour-
nal of Political Science 56(1), 2021 : 56-72.
This study examines the impact of mainstream political parties’ strategies
on the Australian Greens, a ‘niche party’ associated with the global warm-
ing issue. The Green vote rose between the 2004 and 2016 elections de-
spite voters’ support for action on global warming declining. Meguid (Party
Competition Between Unequals: Strategies and Electoral Fortunes in
Western Europe, Cambridge U. P., 2008) proposed that mainstream par-
ties must decide whether to dismiss, accommodate, or oppose a new is-
sue and niche party, predicting the impacts using the theory of ‘issues-
based voting’. We use a time series of voting intention to test this theory.
Mainstream party strategies had the predicted effects on the Greens vote.
In the presence of a competitive niche party, mainstream parties’ strate-
gies may respond to the dynamics of competition, beyond the traditionally
considered institutional and economic forces. [R]
71.6510 BARNES, Tiffany D. ; BEALL, Victoria D. ; HOLMAN, Mirya R.
Pink
-
collar representation and budgetary outcomes in
US States. Legislative Studies Quarterly 46(1), Feb.
2021 : 119-154.
Research shows that the underrepresentation of the working class matters
in terms of policy processes and outcomes. Yet the research on class has
largely focused on bluecollar representatives, who are primarily men.
Workingclass women are more likely to hold pinkcollar jobs, or low
status occupations dominated by women. We argue that pinkcollar leg-
islators are uniquely positioned to legislate over education and social ser-
vice policy. To test our argument, we combine a new coding of working
class backgrounds that accounts for pinkcollar representation with state
spending data on education and social services from US states over time.
Modeling compositional budget data, we find that class and gender inter-
sect to shape policy outcomes via state budget allocations, with women's
pinkcollar representation associated with increased spending on both ed-
ucation and social services. [R, abr.]
71.6511 BAUHR, Monika ; CHARRON, Nicholas Will women exec-
utives reduce corruption? Marginalization and network in-
clusion. Comparative Political Studies 54(7), June 2021 :
1292-1322.
While recent studies find a strong association between the share of
women in elected office and lower levels of corruption, we know less about
if women in executive office cause reductions in corruption levels, and if
such effects last over time. This study suggests that w omen mayors re-
duce corruption levels, but that the beneficial effect may be weakened over
time. Using both regression discontinuity and first difference designs with
newly collected data on French municipal elections combined with corrup-
tion risk data on close to all municipal contracts awarded between 2005
and 2016, we show that women mayors reduce corruption risks. However,
newly elected women m ayors drive the results, while gender differences
are negligible in municipalities where women mayors are re elected. [R,
abr.]
71.6512 BEAUVAIS, Edana Discursive inequity and the internal
exclusion of women speakers. Political Research Quarterly
74(1), March 2021 : 103-116.
Focusing on the legacy of women’s political exclusion from the public
sphere, I consider whether internal exclusions undermine women’s ability
to influence political discourse even under conditions of formal political
equality. All else being equal, do women and men in Western democracies
have the same discursive influence? Are women particularly sensitive to
men’s discursive authority? I help answer these questions using an exper-
imental research design. The results of my study offer evidence that peo-
ple are more willing to revise their opinions after hearing a man’s counter-
argument than after hearing a woman’s identical counterargument. This
pattern appears to be driven by the way women respond to a man’s coun-
terclaim. I discuss how gendered discursive inequities reinforce existing
patriarchal structures, and the role that women inadvertently play in their
own subjugation. [R, abr.]
71.6513 BEBBER, Robert J. The unasked question: will the Chi-
nese Communist Party endure? Orbis 65(2), 2021 : 275-
284.
This article contends that the US is competing with the Chinese Com-
munist Party (CCP), not “China,” and also that the competition with the
CCP should be oriented around the “known unknown” question: How long
will the CCP retain a monopoly on power over China? Such a framework
provides significant benefits to policymakers and strategic planners. First,
it focuses the aim point of the US competition on the true center of power.
Second, it provides a desired end state of US policy around which to orient
the competition and design strategy the CCP no longer in a monopoly
position. [R]
71.6514 BEDOCK, Camille ; PILET, Jean-Benoit Who supports cit-
izens selected by lot to be the main policymakers? A study
of French citizens. Government and Opposition 56(3), July
2021 : 485-504.
Despite their multiplication over the last 15 years, studies on the support
for assemblies composed of citizens selected by lot are rare and the few
that exist analyse citizens’ attitudes towards such mini-publics as consul-
tative bodies associated with traditional representative institutions. We ex-
amine support for citizens selected by lot as new policymakers who take
the most important political decisions instead of political representatives.
We contrast support for this radical democratic innovation with support for
two other reforms that increase citizen participation: generic support for a
greater involvement of citizens in policymaking, and specific support for
citizen-initiated referendums. [R, abr.]
71.6515 BEECH, Matt Brexit and the Labour Party: Europe, cos-
mopolitanism and the narrowing of traditions. British Poli-
tics 16(2), June 2021 : 152-169.
The phenomenon of Brexit is reordering British politics. Its effects have led
to political and cultural shock, disruption and rifts. This article explores how
the phenomenon of Brexit has decentered the Labour Party’s ideational
traditions. The article utilises a mixed methodology which combines qual-
itative and quantitative data in the form of sch olarly literature on Labour
history, Labour Party manifestoes, speeches and media interviews by
front-line politicians as well as polling data. In particular, the article anal-
yses how Labour politicians are reimagining the two main traditions of
thought: the Euro-enthusiast tradition and the Euro-sceptic tradition. The
article argues that Labour’s Euro-enthusiasts are reimagining the tradition
as a full blooded cosmopolitanism and this is simultaneously controversial
and high risk because it has refashioned Labour’s interests into a narrower
social and cultural electoral offering. [R] [See Abstr. 71.6990]
71.6516 BERGERON, Thomas ; GALIPEAU, Thomas The political
implications of personality in Canada. Canadian Journal of
Political Science 54(2), June 2021 : 292-315.

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