A long road: Patterns and prospects for social equity, diversity, and inclusion in public administration
| Published date | 01 March 2022 |
| Author | Sean McCandless,Sebawit G. Bishu,Melissa Gómez Hernández,Érika Paredes Eraso,Meghna Sabharwal,Esteban Leonardo Santis,Sophie Yates |
| Date | 01 March 2022 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/padm.12830 |
SPECIAL ISSUE ARTICLE
A long road: Patterns and prospects for
social equity, diversity, and inclusion
in public administration
Sean McCandless
1
|SebawitG.Bishu
2
|MelissaG
omez Hernández
3
|
Erika Paredes Eraso
3
| Meghna Sabharwal
4
|
Esteban Leonardo Santis
5
| Sophie Yates
6
1
University of Illinois Springfield, Springfield,
IL, USA
2
University of Washington, Seattle, WA, USA
3
Universidad Icesi, Cali, Colombia
4
The University of Texas at Dallas, Dallas,
TX, USA
5
Florida Policy Institute, Orlando, FL, USA
6
UNSW Canberra, Canberra, Australia
Correspondence
Sean McCandless, Doctorate in Public
Administration (DPA) Program, University of
Illinois at Springfield, College of Public Affairs
and Administration, Department of Public
Administration, 1 University Plaza, Springfield,
IL 62703, USA.
Email: smcca8@uis.edu
Abstract
Public Administration, the field's oldest journal, is now
100 years old. Despite this centenary, it has only been rela-
tively recently that scholars have examined questions of:
(1) how diverse, equitable, and inclusive the field is; (2) how
oppressive administrative structures marginalize groups;
and (3) what principles of diversity, equity, and inclusion
(DEI) mean globally. We seek to contribute to this conversa-
tion by reflecting on what is currently known about answers
to these questions, especially from global perspectives. We
do this by presenting five purposively selected vignettes,
each on some dimension of DEI. We frame and analyze
these vignettes using Gooden's “name, blame, and claim”
framework. Reflections are offered regarding how the field
can better center and achieve DEI.
1|INTRODUCTION
It is a growing normative expectation that public institutions should be diverse (reflective of societies), equitable
(fair), and inclusive (making all feel welcome) (Riccucci, 2021; Sabharwal et al., 2014), and create public services that
are accessible, procedurally fair, of high and equal quality for all groups, and that promote positive outcomes
(Johnson & Svara, 2015). Furthermore, such institutions must name inequities (identify and admit issues), blame ineq-
uities (understand cause and effects and who/what is responsible), and claim inequities (take active, diverse, inclu-
sive, and meaningful steps forward to promote fairness for all) (Gooden, 2014).
Interest in examining these questions is growing (Riccucci, 2021), including globally (Gooden, 2020;
Johansen, 2019), especially given how public institutions across the world are culpable in creating, maintaining, and
Received: 22 November 2021 Revised: 15 January 2022 Accepted: 17 January 2022
DOI: 10.1111/padm.12830
Public Admin. 2022;100:129–148. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/padm © 2022 John Wiley & Sons Ltd. 129
extending systems of disadvantage and oppression due to bias and discrimination regarding race, ethnicity, gender
identity, sexual orientation, religion, and more (Alkadry & Blessett, 2010; Blessett, 2018; Starke et al., 2018). The
need to understand what diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) mean has never been more poignant.
These questions are ever-more poignant given that the field's oldest journal, Public Administration, is turning
100 this year. Given this context and to reflect on the 100th anniversary, we address this question: What is currently
known about DEI in public administration, especially the causes and effects of inequities and what public administration
institutions can do to address those inequities? To address this question, we present five DEI purposively selected
global vignettes. For each vignette, we assess what is currently known about the causes and effects of the DEI issue
and what public administration institutions are doing to address that issue. We conclude by using Gooden's name,
blame, and claim framework to reflect on patterns and prospects for promoting DEI in research, theory, and practice.
We caution that this piece is not a comprehensive compendium of the topic but, rather, presents several key dimen-
sions to consider when reflecting on where the field has come, where it is, and where it can go in the future.
2|VIGNETTE 1: DEI IN THE SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REGION
The Sub-Saharan Africa Region (SSAR) region is a culturally and ethnically diverse area with 1.2 billion people across
48 countries. For cultural and socio-political reasons, SSAR countries are grouped together while countries in north-
ern Africa are categorized with the Middle East. All SSAR countries, minus Ethiopia, were colonized by Western
countries, and the region struggles with extreme poverty (more than 50% of the global poor are in the SSAR). Still, in
2019, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) reported the SSAR is home to five of the fastest growing economies:
Ghana, South Sudan, Rwanda, Ethiopia, and Cote d’Ivoire. Despite this economic growth, the United Nations Devel-
opment Program (UNDP) noted that 10 of the 19 most unequal countries globally are in the region, and limited state
distributive capacities perpetuate biased governance that reinforce ethnic and gender inequalities (Odusola
et al., 2017).
In the SSAR, ethnic and gender inequalities are prevalent whereby women and ethnic minorities are socially,
economically, and politically disadvantaged throughout civil and civil life. Hence, DEI conversations in the SSAR cen-
ter around effective strategies to empower women and ethnic minorities in the health, economic, and political
spheres.
Ethnic heterogeneity is a hallmark of the SSAR. The SSAR is home to the most ethnically diverse countries in the
world, especially Uganda and Liberia (Alesina et al., 2003). In their seminal work that maps global ethnic diversity,
Alesina et al. (2003) show that 20 of the most diverse countries in the world are located in the SSAR. Ethnic diversity
is known to have a profound impact on political, social, and economic structures of countries across the region. In
many countries across the SSAR, ethnic minorities, including those with multiple forms of marginalized identities like
women, are often less organized, less likely to be politically and economically empowered, and absent from decision-
making roles. Wimmer et al. (2009) further argue that civil conflicts in the SSAR are predominantly driven by ethnic
conflict. Extreme marginalization of groups leads to between-group hostility and antagonism. Recent history of the
Rwanda genocide and civil war in the 1990s, resulting in over 800,000 deaths, demonstrates the extent to which
ethnic conflict leads to group hostility. Yet, Rwanda's ethnic-based conflict is not the first and only that the region
has seen in recent history. The 1967 Nigerian civil war resulted in over 100,000 civilian casualties.
Although women make up roughly half of the SSAR's population, they only contribute 33% of the region's GDP
(Moodley et al., 2019). Globally, the SSAR stands behind the Middle East and North Africa on gender inequality per-
formance (United Nations Development Programme [UNDP], 2019). The United Nation Development Fund Gender
Inequality Index (GII) report demonstrates that women in the SSAR experience more inequalities in access to health
and education services as well as in political and economic participation (UNDP, 2019). Lack of access to maternal
and reproductive health services are two areas with serious challenges. In 2019, the regional labor force participation
stood at only 63% (World Bank, 2021). Gender gaps are also evident in political empowerment. The Progress is
130 MCCANDLESS ET AL.
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