‘lying with Numbers’ in International Arbitration against States

DOI10.1093/jnlids/idae007
Date12 March 2024
Pages5-34
Year2024
Published ByOxford University Press

In late 2023, the High Court of Justice in London ruled that the award in the arbitration case Process & Industrial Developments (P&ID) Limited v Nigerian Ministry of Petroleum, at that point worth in excess of US$11 billion,1 should be set aside on the grounds that it had been obtained through ‘the most severe abuses of the arbitral process’,2 in the form of perjured explanations as to how the contract underlying the dispute had come about, the continuous bribery of a key witness, and the use by claimant of privileged documents and the concealment thereof from respondent’s counsel. Although it was the corruption aspect of the case that captured public attention, the P&ID judgment also laid bare another issue which, while involving no illegality per se, had equally grave implications; to wit, just how easy it is in international arbitration—whether treaty-based Investor–State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) or commercial arbitration—to leverage the weak points of this justice-for-profit ecosystem3 to advance surreal claims grounded upon fantasy valuations, with a view to shaking down state parties for colossal sums bearing no relationship to any recognizable business reality.

In the P&ID v Nigeria arbitration, for instance, the tribunal accepted that the Nigerian government had anticipatedly repudiated its obligations to perform under a 20-year gas supply contract, whereas P&ID ‘had already done 90% of the engineering work … and had already acquired the necessary technology licences … had already obtained the necessary finance … [and] had carried out the necessary studies to ensure that there was a suitable gas source in the area’4 with the result that, as the claimant’s quantum expert put it, ‘the project had been developed to such an extent that it was ready for an EPC [Engineering, procurement, and construction] tender’.5 The tribunal therefore awarded as damages ‘the value of the stream of net profit which P&ID would have made if the Government had performed the contract according to its terms’, calculated in accordance with a discounted cash flow (DCF) model put together by claimant’s quantum expert, who noted ‘that he had found the P&ID materials “extremely helpful”’.6 The tribunal made it a point to reject a submission that claimant’s quantum expert had ‘had inadequate material upon which to arrive at his estimate’.7

The picture that emerged from the High Court proceedings was radically different: P&ID had never been anywhere ready to perform, and a P&ID expert witness confirmed that the extent of the company’s preparatory work amounted to no more than one crude hand-drawn sketch.8 And as for the ‘materials’ underlying the DCF model, it turned out that ‘[t]he only contemporaneous document relied upon by BRG [claimant’s quantum experts Berkeley Research Group] for its assessment of loss was the presentation given … to the MPR [Ministry of Petroleum Resources], which (mis)represented that P&ID was ready to perform’9 and, in any case, ran to the whole of two pages and contained only high-level (fictional) figures.

The degree to which the P&ID tribunal’s determinations were at variance with the true facts, together with a keen awareness of “how readily the outcome [of Nigeria’s challenge to the award] could have been different”,10 prompted the court to suggest that those involved in international arbitration might wish

to consider whether the arbitration process, which is of outstanding importance and value in the world, needs further attention where the value involved is so large and where a state is involved [… lest] arbitration as a process becomes less reliable, less able to find difficult but important new legal ground, and more vulnerable to fraud.11

This suggestion has been greeted without much enthusiasm by the international arbitration community at large, however, and the sheer egregiousness of abuse of the arbitral process which this case put in evidence has been cited as a good reason why not too much should be read into it: ‘[b]y any standards, the facts of P&ID are extreme. Is it right that such an extreme case should lead to questions being asked of the long-established and well-trusted system of arbitration?’12

The answer to this question is ‘yes’, because the notion that ‘[i]t is best that P&ID …[be] viewed as an exceptional case’13 is untenable in so far as valuation matters are concerned. The sole factor which makes P&ID v Nigeria exceptional in this regard is that the factual and evidentiary vacuum at the heart of claimant’s quantum submissions was laid bare for all to see. But this award is but one name in a list of controversial cases where arbitration tribunals, faced with fantasy claims as unsubstantiated as those in P&ID v Nigeria, have also accepted DCF valuation for projects which are yet to be built or reach operational status (despite the long line of authority against using DCF for projects with no track record of profitability, grounded on the judicial principle of not granting compensation for damages that are too speculative or uncertain).14

Taken together, these cases are a testament to the considerable success that ‘the new industry of testifying quantum experts [who] earn their keep, [by] propounding detailed analyses that many lawyers and tribunals are simply untrained to digest’15 has had in turning this digestive inadequacy of lawyers and tribunals into the cornerstone of a lucrative rent-seeking praxis predicated on how easy it is for technical experts to ‘fudge data or deliberately misrepresent the truth through technical manipulation of data or models’ (ie, what Martin Wachs would call to ‘lie with numbers’).16 In other walks of life where the input of technical experts is sought because ‘it is necessary to support one's position with facts and figures in order to be convincing’17, the threat of lawsuits or criminal prosecution18 may inhibit lying with numbers (even if only at the margins), but these inhibitors are lacking in international arbitration. For this reason, in international arbitration proceedings, lying with numbers has been getting increasingly out of hand, as evidenced by the steady rise in the magnitude of arbitral awards19 This trend has sobering implications for states which might find themselves hauled before an arbitral tribunal,20 not least because the prospects for improvement are remote, and overall standards of candour in valuation are likely to drop even further as technical experts who are adept at playing this rent-seeking game prosper at the expense of those who are not.

PREDICTION IS DIFFICULT, ESPECIALLY WHERE THE FUTURE IS CONCERNED

As JM Keynes observed in the General Theory, investment decisions are a function of ‘partly future events which can only be forecasted with more or less confidence’,21 simply because ‘[o]ur knowledge of the factors which will govern the yield of an investment some years hence is usually very slight and often negligible’.22 Thus, not even the canniest and ablest entrepreneurs can be certain about the prospects of their investments:

If we speak frankly, we have to admit that our basis of knowledge for estimating the yield ten years hence of a railway, a copper mine, a textile factory, the goodwill of a patent medicine, an Atlantic liner, a building in the City of London amounts to little and sometimes to nothing; or even five years hence.23

Today, despite exponential increases in computational power relative to Keynes’ time, it remains the case that ‘[t]he outstanding fact is the extreme precariousness of the basis of knowledge on which our estimates of the prospective yield have to be made’.24

Among the many consequences of this precariousness is that while

people can forecast certain events—such as GDP growth, macroeconomic policies, business cycles, technological advances, and geopolitical conflicts—with some accuracy over periods of up to one year … [a]fter that … accuracy declines rapidly, and beyond a time horizon of three to five years, it disappears into the mists of randomness.25

One telling manifestation of the inaccuracy of business forecasting is the poor record of large investment projects in terms of delivering on the expectations held out for them (not least in terms of profitability):

approximately one out of ten megaprojects is on budget, one out of ten is on schedule, and one out of ten delivers the promised benefits … [so] approximately one in one thousand projects is a success, defined as ‘on target’ for all three … This serves to illustrate what may be called the ‘iron law of megaprojects’: Over budget, over time, over and over again. Best practice is an outlier, average practice a disaster.26

Furthermore, as Bent Flyvbjerg noted in a 2022 public hearing about another project gone wrong, this is not a recent phenomenon:

[w]e have data going back more than 80 years. There’s no change in this over the 80 years for which we have data for, which is pretty interesting if you think about it. Most things we do, we get better at over time, but not delivering big projects.27

These sobering empirical findings are grounded on the ‘world’s largest database of its kind, with information regarding sixteen thousand–plus projects’.28 Admittedly, every once in a while, projects do materialize which deliver on all three of schedule, costs and benefits/profits. On the whole, though, these are outliers in the context of a secular trend pointing very much in the wrong direction.

Back in the early 1980s, Martin Wachs looked at the disappointing track record of big project delivery and identified a key factor behind it; namely, that those entrusted with the quantitative spadework for such projects were (to paraphrase Keynes) not prepared to speak frankly about the impact of the ‘precariousness of their knowledge’ on ‘the likelihood of our best forecast turning out quite wrong’.29 Instead, these experts were wont to attach an unwarranted degree of confidence to their estimates. This gave rise to those ‘gaps between...

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