Non-consensual intimate image distribution: Nature, removal, and implications for the Online Safety Act
| Published date | 01 January 2025 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/14773708241255821 |
| Author | Antoinette Raffaela Huber,Zara Ward |
| Date | 01 January 2025 |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
Non-consensual intimate
image distribution: Nature,
removal, and implications for
the Online Safety Act
Antoinette Raffaela Huber
University of Liverpool, UK
Zara Ward
Revenge Porn Helpline, UK
Abstract
Research was conducted in partnership with the RevengePorn Helpline (RPH) to examinethe loca-
tion and removal of non-consensual intimate image (NCII) abuse. By examining reports to the help-
line, data were collected to uncover where intimateimages were being non-consensually distributed,
how they wereproportionally distributedacross platforms, and avenues for image removal. The data
confirm that social media plays a key role in NCII distribution and provides further insight into
where images are being distributed outside of social media platforms. Data on image removal indi-
cate that knowledge of how to navigate different types of platforms is important for image removal
success, making contributions from organisations such as the RPH vital, and highlighting the need to
make reporting processes more accessible. The findings also indicate significant gaps within the
Online SafetyAct which will need to be addressedif the Act is to effectively protect victim-survivors.
In particular, the need to move beyond focusing on services with the largest user numbers and
broadening the scope to include smaller high-risk and problematic platforms.
Keywords
Image-based sexual abuse, intimate image abuse, non-consensual intimate images, Online Safety
Act, revenge pornography
Corresponding author:
Antoinette Raffaela Huber, Department of Sociology, Social Policy and Criminology, University of Liverpool,
Chatham Street, Liverpool, L69 7ZR, UK.
Email: ahuber@liverpool.ac.uk
Correction (October 2024): Article updated to correct the in-text reference citation from ‘Author, 2020’
to ‘Huber, 2020’since its original publication.
Article
European Journal of Criminology
2025, Vol. 22(1) 30–50
© The Author(s) 2024
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/14773708241255821
journals.sagepub.com/home/euc
Introduction
Recent years have seen a growing scholarly interest in image-based sexual abuse (IBSA),
which includes a wide range of abusive practices surrounding the non-consensual taking,
making, and sharing of intimate images (see Law Commission, 2021; McGlynn et al.,
2017). Academics, third-sector organisations, government agencies, and journalists
have all been pivotal to knowledge generation. We now recognise the wide range of
image-based harms, including the non-consensual taking of images (through voyeurism,
hacking, hidden cameras, upskirting and downblousing), the non-consensual making of
images (image alternation or creation, i.e. photoshop and deepfake images) and the non-
consensual sharing of, and threats to share, intimate images (both physically and electron-
ically) (Law Commission, 2021; McGlynn et al., 2017). We also recognise the severe and
often ongoing impact of IBSA, with research uncovering a multitude of consequences on
every aspect of victims’lives (Citron and Franks, 2014; Cyber Civil Rights, 2014; Henry
and Powell, 2016; Huber, 2023a; McGlynn et al., 2019; Short et al., 2017).
Increased understanding of the nature and impact of IBSA has resulted in some posi-
tive legislative changes in England and Wales, including the criminalisation of non-
consensual intimate image (NCII) distribution in 2015 under section 33 of the
Criminal Justice and Courts Act. In October 2023, the Online Safety Bill received
Royal Assent, introducing the Online Safety Act (OSA). The aim of the Act is to increase
the regulation of services hosting user-generated content and impose duties on search
engines to minimise the amount of harmful content shared online, including NCII distri-
bution (Gov.uk, 2023). While these legislative changes are vital, they are not without
their limitations, particularly with regard to scope and ability to adequately capture the
range of NCII practices and contexts in which distribution occurs (see Huber, 2023b;
Law Commission, 2022; McGlynn, 2016). It is therefore important that we continue to
further our understanding beyond identifying forms of abuse and its impact, to
examine patterns which can be used to further inform legislation and increase protection
for victim-survivors.
One area where knowledge is limited includes patterns of NCII distribution and the
image removal process for victim-survivors. While we do have some information on
the types of platforms being used to share images, research has tended to provide
in-depth analysis of specific platforms or identify broader categories of platforms
where image sharing occurs, such as social media, pornography websites, and message
boards (see Hall and Hearn, 2018; Henry and Flynn, 2019; Langlois and Slane, 2017;
Uhl et al., 2018). Research is yet to quantitatively explore the exact location of
images, including the identification of larger volumes of URLs, how images are propor-
tionally distributed across these, and what this means for image removal. This informa-
tion is important for a number of reasons: (1) it can increase our understanding of where
NCII distribution is taking place and the nature of the platforms, (2) it provides an insight
into the difficulties of the image removal process, and (3) it allows for consideration of
whether such platforms are likely to fall within the remit of the OSA and the extent to
which the OSA will improve the image removal process.
A knowledge exchange partnership was therefore formed with the Revenge Porn
Helpline (RPH) (a support service for victim-survivors of intimate image abuse) to
Huber and Ward 31
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