Plural policing as professional strife. Municipal officers and police officers in the Netherlands
| Published date | 01 September 2019 |
| Date | 01 September 2019 |
| DOI | 10.1177/1461355719854107 |
| Author | Teun Eikenaar |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
Article
International Journal of
Police Science & Management
Plural policing as professional strife.
2019, Vol. 21(3) 146–155
ª The Author(s) 2019
Municipal officers and police officers
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DOI: 10.1177/1461355719854107
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Teun Eikenaar
Department of Criminal Law and Criminology, Radboud University Nijmegen, the Netherlands
Abstract
In the past 30 years, the introduction of new providers of policing services has meant that the policing landscape in many
countries has changed considerably. In the Netherlands, an important aspect of this ‘pluralization of policing’ is the
introduction of municipal officers: new, public officials who are employed by Dutch municipalities. This article
discusses how front-line professionals themselves view these changes and the division of labour between the regular
police and municipal officers. By interpreting their views as strife and contestation over professional domains and by
borrowing concepts from the sociology of professions, it adds a novel perspective to the current debate on plural policing.
The article discerns four views, two of which highlight differences and two of which highlight similarities between these
professions. In interpreting these views, the article states that officers define their professions mostly by referring to
fundamental argumentations about professional core aspects and higher values. This implies the ‘professional projects’ of
front-line workers might be as important as their orientation on outside (societal) needs and desires.
Keywords
Plural policing, sociology of professions, municipal officers, professionalism, front-line professionals
Submitted 30 Nov 2018, Revise received 25 Feb 2019, accepted 03 May 2019
Introduction
et al., 2013; Van Steden, 2007; Van Stokkom, 2013). Many
studies also tell us more in detail about plural policing, such
In recent years, the introduction of new uniformed workers
as relevant historic developments, the role of private secu-
outside the police has meant significant changes in the
rity officers, how various forms of plural policing are regu-
policing landscape in many countries. This also applies to
lated, governed or configured, or the differences between
the Netherlands: since the late 1980s, several ‘non-police
various countries on such matters (Bonnett et al., 2015; De
providers of policing’ – commonly referred to as ‘plural
Maillard and Zagrodzki, 2017; Jones et al., 2009; Terpstra
policing’ – have entered onto Dutch streets. In this article,
et al., 2013; Van Steden, 2007).
officers who are employed by Dutch municipalities are
These studies provide a lot of insight into plural policing,
discussed, here called ‘municipal officers’.
but are largely missing out on a specific perspective: that of
The phenomenon of plural policing has received exten-
front-line officers themselves. This is not to say there are no
sive scholarly attention. Mostly, three general explanations
for the introduction of new officers are mentioned: a lack of
studies on front-line officers’ views and experiences (cf. Ber-
police resources to address (fear of) crime and disorder;
voets, 2013; Terpstra, 2012), but there is little idea of how
changes in the urban environment, with an ensuing
decrease in the tolerance of antisocial behaviour; and a
relocation and redefinition of police responsibilities
Corresponding author:
Teun Eikenaar, Department of Criminal Law and Criminology,
towards alleged ‘more serious’ police work (Garland, 2001;
Radboud University Nijmegen, Montessorilaan 10, 6525 HR, Nijmegen,
Jones and Newburn, 1999, 2007; Millie 2008; Newburn,
the Netherlands.
2001; Sleiman and Lippert 2010; Terpstra, 2010; Terpstra
Email: teun.eikenaar@gmail.com
Eikenaar
147
various uniformed workers see the pluralization of policing
Second, it should be noted that the police in the Nether-
itself, especially within a public context. This article adds to
lands have been reorganized thoroughly over past decades,
the current debate by studying plural policing as (the result of)
leading to a process of ‘creeping centralization’ (Terpstra
a process of professionalization that is wrought with strife and
and Kouwenhoven, 2004). This involved the replacement
negotiation among front-line actors. Thus, it aims to enhance
of Dutch municipal police by a system of 25 districts. Most
our understanding of plural policing by using a theoretical
recently, in 2013, a national police force was reintroduced.
perspective hitherto little used in this field: that of the sociol-
This has led to a further decrease in police involvement in
ogy of professions (cf. Freidson, 2001; Larson, 1977). As
local communities (Terpstra et al., 2016).
such, this article points out that plural policing is, for an
These changes have prompted Dutch municipalities to
important part, defined through the ideas of front-line actors,
introduce their own ‘municipal officers’ (cf. Eikenaar,
who can be seen as active stakeholders with various, some-
2017; Terpstra et al., 2015). This started in the second half
times conflicting, views and interests.
of the 1980s and 1990s with programmes for city wardens.
The plural policing practice discussed in this article con-
Through these programmes, the long-term unemployed
cerns officers who are employed by Dutch municipalities:
were given the opportunity to develop work experience
municipal officers. These are relatively new officers who
as surveillance personnel. As such, city wardens had the
operate in parallel to the Dutch National Police. As such, these
same powers as ordinary citizens and were mostly used for
officers are similar to regular police officers because they are
general surveillance, to prevent so-called ‘petty crimes’,
also public providers of policing. This will prove to be a
and for a range of alleged inferior policing chores, some-
valuable setting for studying the dynamics of relations
times granting them the nickname of ‘the police’s mail-
between two policing professions, without being muddied
men’ (Hauber, 1994; Van Steden, 2012, 2017). In the
by debates about privatization. As it turns out, this form of
beginning of the 21st century, a national plea for strict law
plural policing is truly an example of contestation over pro-
enforcement led to the reorganization and professionaliza-
fessional status and domains, and not over economic compe-
tion of these city warden projects. The ensuing new ‘city
tition. Moreover, the Dutch case may provide insights that are
surveillance agencies’ implied the gradual employment of
applicable to other countries with similar developments in
new, trained and more professional personnel with the qua-
policing, such as Belgium or Austria (cf. Terpstra et al., 2013).
lification of ‘Special Investigative Officer’, known as BOA
The approach is introduced in more detail below, but
in Dutch (an abbreviation of Buitengewoon Opsporing-
first I explain more about the Dutch context of municipal
sambtenaar; Van Steden, 2017).1
disorder policing and sketch the outline of this study, the
Currently, almost all officers who work in municipal
research questions and methodology.
city surveillance have BOA status (Eikenaar and Van Stok-
kom, 2014). This qualification enables them to deal with
‘minor annoyances, nuisance and other facts that affect the
Dutch municipalities and disorder policing
quality of life’ (Ministry of Justice, 2015: 10). Therefore,
To understand the context of the two public providers of
they have specific legal powers and the ability to impose
policing in the Netherlands, several characteristics of
fines for various forms of disorder and antisocial beha-
Dutch local government and the (plural) policing landscape
viour, such as littering, loitering and several traffic
should first be noted.
offences. This was backed by the introduction of adminis-
First, Dutch municipalities represent relatively strong
trative penal orders and administrative fines in 2009, and
forms of local government. Municipalities have an elected
national requirements for examination.2 Hence, this rela-
council and a clear mandate over policy domains as diverse
tively new occupational group has professionalized consid-
as social assistance, welfare and public safety. The 1990s in
erably over the last 20 years.
particular witnessed a stronger grip by Dutch local govern-
As a result, two public policing providers now patrol
ments on the latter, under the header ‘integrated public
Dutch streets. However, that does not imply that the police
safety management’ (Cachet and Ringeling, 2004; Ministry
and municipal officers collaborate well. Although municipal
of the Interior, 1993). This term reflected an ambition to
officers are street-level bureaucrats resembling regular
tackle issues as diverse as antisocial behaviour, neighbour-
police officers, they have also developed largely indepen-
hood decline and (petty) crime by involving a wide range of
dently (Bervoets, 2013; Bervoets and Rovers, 2016; Eike-
actors at the local level and with Dutch municipalities as
naar and Van Stokkom, 2014; Terpstra, 2012). As such, they
the central coordinating actor. This was fuelled in part by
have a range of specific tasks and are informed by policy
growing concern about disorder in public spaces, such as
goals that set them apart from the police: addressing alleged
dog fouling, illegally dumped household waste, cyclists in
‘minor annoyances’, making sure...
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