Poland: What does it take for a public opinion coup to be reversed?
Published date | 01 August 2022 |
Author | Dominika Pszczółkowska |
Date | 01 August 2022 |
DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/imig.13041 |
COMMENTARY
Poland: What does it take for a public opinion
coup to be reversed?
Dominika Pszczółkowska
Centre of Migration Research, University of Warsaw, Warszawa, Poland
Correspondence
Dominika Pszczółkowska, Centre of Migration Research, University of Warsaw, Warszawa, Poland.
Email: d.pszczolkows2@uw.edu.pl
DOI: 10.1111/imig.13041
Received: 2 June 2022 Accepted: 17 June 2022
On 7th April, two long-established Ukrainian organizations in Poland appealed to the Polish government and Border
Guard for better treatment of non-Ukrainian asylum seekers. “It amazes us that Poland, the same country which helps
Ukrainian refugees in such a wonderful way, shamelessly and with cruelty drives families from outside of Europe into
the forest and kicks them out to Belarus” – wrote the Ukrainian Union in Poland and the “Our Choice” Foundation. 1
The position of the Polish government, which granted Ukrainians fleeing war preferential treatment, but prevents
others from entering and applying for asylum, reflects the dichotomy of policies and practices of the whole Euro-
pean Union. Nevertheless, Poland has drawn attention because of the acute contrast between its brutality towards
non-Europeans crossing from Belarus, and the heart-warming welcome for the over 3 million Ukrainians who have
entered the country since the Russian aggression began in February. 2 This commentary attempts to analyse how
Polish public opinion perceives refugees and government policies towards them, and how this attitude may have
changed in light of recent events.
THE TWO BORDERS
To many, even in Poland, the scale, if not the fact, of the support for Ukrainian refugees after the Russian attack came
as a surprise (for more on factors shaping the emphatic response of Europeans see Düvell & Lapshyna, 2022). Poles
headed to the border and train stations to offer newcomers housing, transportation and food. Hundreds of thou-
sands joined social media help groups; friends, former classmates, neighbours, fitness club members spontaneously
organized to provide whatever was necessary, from humanitarian aid for cities in Ukraine, “free shops” in Poland
(where Ukrainians could pick up clothes, cosmetics and other items), to the transportation of two Kharkiv cats from
the Polish border to Israel (an authentic request from one group, executed within 23 h).
This levée en masse of Polish civil society was unprecedented not only because it concerned foreigners, but also
because post-communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe, including Poland, are known for their low levels of
non-governmental organization (NGO) participation and social trust. In the European Social Survey of 2018, 7.4 per
cent of Poles reported working in an association or organization in the previous 12 months, compared to an average
of 15.8 per cent for all European countries surveyed; regarding the statement “Most people can be trusted (9), or you
can't be too careful (1)” Poles answered 4.3, whereas the European average was 4.8. 3For many people, this was likely
221
© 2022 International Organization for Migration.
International Migration. 2022;60:221–225. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/imig
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