Sexual Harassment Laws in Nigeria: Lessons from the United Kingdom

DOI10.3366/ajicl.2024.0495
Author
Pages400-420
Date01 August 2024
Published date01 August 2024

Sexual harassment has been recognised as a social problem and has formed a significant subject for feminist research since 1970.1 It is a widespread social malice that undermines equality at work with a negative impact on the victim’s salary, career progression and working conditions. The term was propounded by Catherine MacKinnon who largely influenced the United States law, the origin of the United Kingdom (UK) sexual harassment law. There is no agreed definition of sexual harassment, and perception varies in different contexts and is best defined by the legal consciousness of the society in which it occurs.2 Therefore, the definition and perception of sexual harassment can vary from one society to the other and will be interpreted and viewed differently across different societies.

Farley defined sexual harassment as an ‘unsolicited nonreciprocal male behaviour that asserts a woman’s sex role over her function as a worker.’3 Farley’s definition portrays sexual harassment in a stereotypical manner and amplifies the view that a woman is identified first as a female in the workplace and not as a worker with an expectation that her ‘feminine functions’ precede any other function in the workplace. According to McDonald, sexual harassment is an abusive or counter-productive behaviour which has hierarchical power at its core.4 Unlike other abusive behaviours such as bullying, sexual harassment has a sexual undertone and can be understood as a psychological construct appraised from the claimant’s point of view.

Mackinnon defined sexual harassment as ‘the unwanted imposition of sexual requirements in the context of a relationship of unequal power.’5 This definition suggests that there is a relationship between the harasser and the victim normally in the context of a work relationship where the harasser is usually the employer who uses his organisational power to sexually extort his victim who is his female employee.6 Mackinnon divided sexual harassment into ‘quid pro quo,’ which literally means ‘this for that,’ and sexual harassment as a ‘condition of work.’ She described quid pro quo as involving sexual compliance in exchange for an employment opportunity where the employer exercises his power to compel the female employee to give sexual favours in exchange for employment.7 Scalia argues that it is also sexual harassment where a woman submits to the employer’s sexual advances and gains an employment benefit.8 The second type as a condition of work rarely involves outright sexual demands but involves making a woman’s work conditions unbearable in the form of touching and sexual jokes to humiliate or degrade her and she is harassed simply because she is a woman without any benefit given or denied in respect of her job.9 The basis for this type of discrimination is that the harasser has made work conditions unbearable for the employee because of their sex.10

The United Nations (UN) has recognised sexual harassment as a form of sex discrimination and gender-based violence and encourages governments to legislate and implement measures to prevent it. Article 2(b) of the UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women defines violence against women to include sexual harassment at work, educational institutions and elsewhere.11 The International Labour Organisation (ILO) adopted the Violence and Harassment Convention No. 190 and its Recommendation No. 206 on 10 June 2019. The ILO Committee recognised that violence and harassment constitute a human rights violation or abuse and is a threat to equal opportunities and decent work, and that everyone has a right to work free of violence and harassment, including gender-based violence and harassment.12 It also recognised that sexual harassment is a form of gender-based violence which disproportionately affects women and girls and that an inclusive, integrated and gender-responsive approach should be used to tackle it.

Nigeria, a Member State of the ILO, does not have a federal law on sexual harassment which defines and prohibits it at work. The key legislation on employment in Nigeria is the Labour Act 1990 which has been found to be inadequate, weak and outdated in addressing current issues in employment such as workplace discrimination and sexual harassment.13 Therefore, there is no legal protection or remedies for individuals when they become victims of sexual harassment. However, the UK, also a Member State of the ILO, has more detailed sexual harassment laws which define and prohibit it.

This article will examine the legal framework on sexual harassment at work in Nigeria and the UK with the aim of identifying the inadequacies of the Nigerian provisions and a view to learn lessons from the UK’s legal framework. International provisions on sexual harassment will also be examined with a view to confirming whether both countries comply with their obligations under international treaties and conventions. But first, a review of the theories and perceptions of sexual harassment will be carried to understand why it exists.

Sexual harassment is a social problem14 which has become institutionalised because of the control men have over women’s survival in the home, in schools and at work.15 Women are vulnerable to sexual harassment at work because they need their income for survival, and, having few alternatives due to society’s male-dominated structure, have to tolerate sexual advances from their employers, managers, superiors and colleagues who are mostly men in positions of power with the ability to hire or fire them.16 In addition to this, women often fail to recognise sexual harassment as abuse because society accepts that it is in a man’s nature to make unsolicited sexual advances towards women while women on their part (mostly in less developed countries) see it as a taboo to confront these ill-natured and unsolicited advances due to the fact that complaints are more often than not addressed by punitive actions against them by their employer in a position of authority.17

Many feminist theorists have given various reasons for sexual harassment in the workplace. A leading theory is one postulated by Gutek termed ‘the sex-role spill over’ which she defined as the carryover of irrelevant or inappropriate gender-based roles into work settings.18 She argues that this occurs when the sex ratio is skewed leading to male- or female-dominated work environments where people enact gender roles learned from childhood which affect their interactions with others in ways that are compatible with their learned roles.19 The work environment assumes the sex role of the majority and where this is male-dominated, women will be viewed as women first before workers and would be expected to carry over their feminine attributes into the work environment such as serving as helpers in the organisations without the possibility of getting to the managerial positions.20 It is accepted that sexual harassment is more likely to occur in these circumstances where men are dominant because they would exhibit their sex-role of sex-seeking and sexual aggression using their workplace as an opportunity to interact with women in a sexual manner.21

Other theorists believe that sexual harassment occurs due to power imbalance at work and in society.22 There is a presumption that men hold the highest power in the organisations and they use these powers to harass their female subordinates.23 Benson and Thomas believe that experiences of sexual harassment of women in organisations often have elements of unequal power between the sexes.24 Since women started participating in the labour market with male employers and supervisors, there is an increased contact between employers and female employees. In this light, Benson and Thomas assert that men’s authority over female subordinates will coincide with a male’s sexual attention towards her which will bring about sexual harassment in these organisations.25 This theory aligns with MacKinnon’s view that sexual harassment derives from power and masculinity and that it is the mechanism through which male dominance and women’s subordination is maintained. Mackinnon was of the view that sexual harassment has nothing to do with attraction but is a result of men’s organisational power in the workplace, leading the employer to exercise his power over a woman’s economic survival and thus enforcing his sexual authority as a man to subject the woman to sexual harassment.

However, Schultz believes that sexual harassment occurs because of the social structure of organisations, whereby roles are structured to give the impression of masculine attributes as a requirement hence facilitating men to use their masculinity to undermine their female colleagues since they believe they fit better into these roles.26 She also points out that making women the object of sexual attention frequently acts as a tool to undermine their confidence as competent workers.27 It is affirmed by Farley that sexual harassment is a tool for men to dominate women and put them where they believe is their rightful place leading to job segregation by sex categorisation thereby putting women in low-ranking and dead-end jobs. Mackinnon confirms these views arguing that most employers would rather not employ female applicants but that they should be placed in their rightful positions which is outside the organisation as a result of sex-role stereotypes which is an intrinsic part of the wider society.28

McLaughlin et al. believe that the power-threat model is at the root of sexual harassment.29 They argue that women in power are more likely to face sexual harassment and discrimination than other women. It is considered that women in authority threaten men’s superiority and challenge their dominant positions. These women are then subjected to sexual harassment and discrimination in order to undermine their position. Berdahl et al., supporting the view that the...

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