Stepping stones to sexual murder: the role of developmental factors in the etiology of sexual homicide
| Pages | 199-214 |
| DOI | https://doi.org/10.1108/JCP-02-2018-0010 |
| Published date | 06 August 2018 |
| Date | 06 August 2018 |
| Author | Eric Beauregard,Matt DeLisi |
| Subject Matter | Health & social care,Criminology & forensic psychology,Criminal psychology,Sociology,Sociology of crime & law,Deviant behaviour,Public policy & environmental management,Policing,Criminal justice |
Stepping stones to sexual murder: the
role of developmental factors in the
etiology of sexual homicide
Eric Beauregard and Matt DeLisi
Abstract
Purpose –The purpose of this paper is to examine the role of a variety of developmental factors on sexual
homicide offenders (SHOs), while taking into account other components of sexual homicide theoretical
models.
Design/methodology/approach –A series of logistic regression models are performed using a total
of 616 incarcerated adult male sexual offenders from Canada to distinguish between three groups of sexual
offenders, SHOs, violent non-homicidal sex offenders (NHSOs) and NHSOs.
Findings –Results indicate that contrary to theoretical models, experiences of victimization are not central to
the development of SHOs. Instead, it is the adoption of various problematic behaviors in childhood that
appear as most important in the etiology of this particular type of sexual crime. This suggests that the various
existing theoretical models of sexual homicide need to be revisedand/or tested with additional empirical data.
Originality/value –This is the first study to look at developmental factors using two control groups of
NHSOs and violent NHSOs.
Keywords Theoretical model, Sex offender, Etiology, Sexual homicide, Developmental factor,Sexual murder
Paper type Research paper
Introduction
According to Lussier and Blokland (2017), due to the perception that sex offenders are
life-course persistent sexual predators, the focus of research has been on the prevention of
recidivism and the elaboration of specific policies for these offenders. Most of the studies have
identified factors that can partially explain why certain individuals commit crime but very few can
predict the particular type of crime that an individual will go on to commit (e.g. Boutwell et al.,
2013; Cale et al., 2016; DeLisi, 2001; Kaseweter et al., 2016; Lussier and Blokland, 2014).
The current study takes an in-depth look at the developmental factors related to sexual homicide
by comparing their impact on three type s of sex offenders—namely the non-viol ent
non-homicidal sex offenders (NHSOs), the violent NHSOs, and the sexual homicide offenders
(SHOs). To assess the true impact of these developmental factors, other important factors
empirically linked to sexual homicide are taken into account as well.
The developmental life-course approach as well as the theoretical models of sexual homicide
suggest thatto understand the commissionof these crimes, it is of the utmostimportance to focus
on the origin and the development of the sexual offending over time as well as the factors
responsible for it (Lussier and Blokland, 2017). Despite research indicating that the outcome
(e.g. lethal or not)of a sexual crime is highly dependenton situational factors (e.g. Beauregardand
Mieczkowski, 2012; Mieczkowski and Beauregard, 2010), several authors have posited that the
etiology of sexual homicide rests in the childhood of the offenders. Largely based on a social
learning perspective, four theoretical models—the motivational model (Burgess et al.,1986),the
trauma control model (Hickey, 1997), the integrated paraphilic model (Arrigo and Purcell, 2001;
Received 16 February 2018
Revised 23 April 2018
Accepted 24 April 2018
Eric Beauregard is Professor at
the Simon Fraser University,
Burnaby, Canada.
Matt DeLisi is based
at Iowa State University,
Ames, Iowa, USA.
DOI 10.1108/JCP-02-2018-0010 VOL. 8 NO. 3 2018, pp. 199-214, © Emerald Publishing Limited, ISSN 2009-3829
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Purcell and Arrigo, 2006) and Chan’s(2015), see also Chan et al. (2011), empirical modelof sexual
homicide—have been proposedto explain sexual homicide (see Healeyand Beauregard, 2017 for
an extensive review of these models).
Despite the fact that these models do not take into account the heterogeneity of sexual
homicide (Beauregard and Proulx, 2002), common to all four models is the presence of a
criminogenic environment during childhood. The models discuss the presence of violence and
abuse (physical, psychological and sexual) in the family, whether witnessed or experienced
directly by the individual (Chan, 2015). Such abuse and neglect impede the child’s
development, resulting in the development of antisocial methods for expressing their needs
and hostility, and leading to social isolation (Chan, 2015; Ressler et al., 1988; Hickey, 1997).
It has been suggested that children who witness and/or experience violence at home will
develop a deviant behavioral learning process, which could result in the child internalizing
deviant and aggressive attitudes that they have been exposed to over an extended period of
time (Chan, 2015). The widespread violence presentathomeisalsohypothesizedto
produce children who are unattached to their caregivers, and who will become severely
socially isolated and with low self-esteem (Arrigo and Purcell, 2001). Following the unresolved
trauma of the abuse experienced at home, the child may retreat into a fantasy world, which is a
socially acceptable way to cope with the feelings of helplessness and gain absolute control
over his life (Burgess et al., 1986). Also, some of the models emphasize predispositions—
sociological, psychological and even biological (e.g. brain abnormalities, neuropsychological
deficits)—to sexual violence and more specifically sexual homicide (Hickey, 1997; Arrigo and
Purcell, 2001). According to these models, individuals presenting these predispositions and
who also experience traumatization (e.g. physical abuse, parental abandonment) are at a
greater risk of committing a sexual homicide. Moreover, the different models discuss some
mechanisms by which the individuals, unable to cope with the stressful situation,
develop problematic behaviors in childhood such as feelings of anger, low self-esteem and
social isolation. This drives the individual to retreat into a world of deviant sexual
fantasies (accompanied often by compulsive masturbation; Arrigo and Purcell, 2001), which
serves the offender to regain control of his life and achieve dominance, both of which are
missing from his reality. AccordingtoArrigoandPurcell’s(2001)model,itistheoffender’s
compulsive masturbation, together with the unique risk factors outlined in all sexual homicide
models that reinforce the offender’s paraphilic behavior, deviant fantasies and desire to kill.
Because of the over-reliance on his fantasy life, the individual is unable to develop prosocial
bonds, which subsequently lead to the development of negative personality traits. This rich
fantasy life of the offender becomes increasingly ineffective at satisfying his needs, and the
offender begins to act out, adopting deviant and criminal behavior, escalating from such
crimes as arson and animal abuse during childhood, to the commission of a sexual homicide in
adulthood (Burgess et al., 1986).
Empirical research on developmental factors related to sexual homicide
Due to the numerous challenges associated with collecting information on SHOs and more
specifically, getting these offenders to talk about their childhoods, only a few studies have
focused their attention on the developmental factors potentially associated with sexual homicide.
However, some researchers and clinicians working with sex offenders have been able to gather
enough information on the development of these offenders to allow for some exploration of the
influence of specific developmental factors on precipitating sexual homicide.
An exhaustive revie w of the literature ha s allowed the identif ication of 11 studie s presenting
empirical finding s on developmenta l factors associate d with sexual homic ide. Of these
11 studies, 8 have rep orted that SHOs are o ften victims of sexu al abuse in childhoo d and/or
adolescence (Langevin et al., 1988; Häkkänen-Nyholm et al., 2009; Milsom et al., 2003;
Myers and Blashfiel d, 1997; Briken et al., 2005, 2006; Nicole and Proulx, 2007; Oliver et al.,
2007; Ressler et al., 1986; see also the review by Chan and Heide, 2016). Moreover,
physical and/or ps ychological abus e is also reported in a ma jority of the studies o n the
developmental factors which contribute to sexual murder (Firestone et al., 1998; Myers and
Blashfield, 1997; Briken et al., 2005, 2006; Nicole and Proulx, 2007; Oliver et al., 2007).
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