The challenges of change: Exploring the dynamics of police reform in Scotland

Published date01 December 2019
Date01 December 2019
AuthorNicholas R. Fyfe
DOI10.1177/1461355719889463
Subject MatterSpecial issue: Change and Continuity in the Police
PSM889463 196..205
Special issue: Change and Continuity in the Police
International Journal of
Police Science & Management
The challenges of change: Exploring
2019, Vol. 21(4) 196–205
ª The Author(s) 2019
the dynamics of police reform
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DOI: 10.1177/1461355719889463
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Nicholas R. Fyfe
(School of Social Sciences & Scottish Institute for Policing Research,) University of Dundee, UK
Abstract
Despite a long tradition of pessimism regarding the scope for meaningful change in police practices, recent structural
reforms to police organizations in several European countries suggest that significant change in policing is possible.
Drawing on recent research into the establishment and consequences of a national police force in Scotland, this article
uses instrumental, cultural and myth perspectives taken from organization theory to examine how change happened and
with what effects. It highlights how police reform involves a complex interplay between the strategic aims of government,
the cultural norms of police organizations and the importance of alignment with wider views about the nature of the public
sector. The article concludes by identifying a set of wider lessons from the experience of organizational change in policing.
Keywords
Police reform, organizational change
Context
only transformed the structure of policing by ending an
over 100-year tradition of local municipal forces, but also
Many commentators on police reform tend to be pessimis-
brought about fundamental changes to the governance and
tic about the scope for delivering meaningful change. Sko-
narrative of policing (Fyfe, 2014). In terms of governance,
gan’s (2008) seminal piece on ‘Why reforms fail’,
the previous arrangements, which gave a significant role to
identifies no fewer than 11 reasons for how and why groups
local government in financing local policing and appoint-
within the police are able to frustrate attempts at innovation
ing local chief officers, have been swept away and replaced
and organizational change, ranging from resistance by mid-
by a new unelected national body, the Scottish Police
dle managers and front-line officers to competing demands
Authority (SPA). In terms of narrative, the previous legis-
and expectations (see too Bayley, 2008). Others have
lative foundation for policing set out in the Police (Scot-
echoed this pessimism. For Savage, resistance comes from
land) Act 1967 defined the role of policing as being ‘to
front-line officers who as ‘street-level bureau-
guard, patrol and watch so as to prevent the commission
crats . . . dictate how policies are (or are not) translated into
of offences and preserve order; and to protect life and prop-
actions at the delivery end of the process’ (2007: 128),
erty’, whereas Police and Fire Reform (Scotland) Act 2012
while Sparrow (2016) sees a similar pattern of cultures of
articulates a new set of policing principles in which the
resistance operating at a street level. Against this back-
focus is on harm reduction and working in partnership with
ground of a seemingly stubborn continuity in police prac-
others to ensure the safety and well-being of communities.
tices in which any attempts at change are ‘doomed to
repeat’ the mistakes of the past, the recent reforms to the
structures of policing in many northern and western Eur-
opean countries suggest a potentially different narrative
Corresponding author:
about the effects of large-scale organizational change (Fyfe
Nicholas R. Fyfe, School of Social Sciences & Scottish Institute for Policing
et al., 2013). In Scotland, the empirical focus for this arti-
Research, University of Dundee, Dundee DD1 4HN, UK.
cle, the creation of a national police force in 2013 has not
Email: n.r.fyfe@dundee.ac.uk

Fyfe
197
Scotland is not alone in witnessing major structural
The first of these requires an instrumentalist lens
changes to policing (see Fyfe et al., 2013; Fyfe and Terpstra,
focused on the rationality of the leaders of organizations
2018), yet assessing what has changed as a result of these
in bringing about change, and the choices they make as
reforms is a significant challenge. Reform is a process not an
they adjust to new goals, managerial signals and shifting
event, involving complex negotiations between a range of
external demands. Typically, this involves a combination
stakeholders around the practical implementation of high-
of elements of a hierarchy-oriented instrumental perspec-
level strategic visions and objectives. Evaluating the effects
tive, in which the decisions and choices of leaders are
of reform in terms of change and continuity becomes com-
central; and a negotiation-based instrumental perspective
plex, not least in terms of finding appropriate timescales for
that allows for the articulation of different interests and
assessing the outcomes of reform. Building on previous
elements of compromise and negotiation. Second, to under-
work and drawing on the findings of a 4-year evaluation
stand the influence of traditions and cultures on organiza-
of police reform in Scotland, the purpose of this article is
tional change requires a cultural lens focused on issues of
an attempt to understand both the processes that lead to
norms, values and identity that shape the operation of orga-
organizational change and an assessment of the outcomes
nizations. It is this cultural perspective that has tended to
of reform in terms of its effects and wider implications. At
dominate much of the policing literature on organizational
the core of this article, therefore, is an attempt to answer two
change to date. Police reforms fail, it is contended, because
questions relating to change in policing: first, the ‘how’ of
of various forms of internal resistance from front-line
police reform in terms of how is change enabled; and second,
supervisors, rank and file officers, and mid-level managers
the ‘so what’ of police reform in terms of what difference do
(see Skogan, 2008). A third lens through which to view
these change make. To help navigate a way through the
organizational change is what Christensen et al. (2007)
complexities of police reform, the article draws on a frame-
term the ‘myth’ perspective. Here, the focus is on the
work for understanding organizational change in the public
broader institutional environment within which organiza-
sector developed by Christensen et al. (2007). The following
tions operate, where they are confronted with particular
section outlines how their organization theory highlights the
norms of how they should be designed and function. Orga-
importance of instrumental, cultural and myth perspectives
nizations try to incorporate and reflect these norms or
for understanding change and then uses this framework to
myths and seek legitimacy within their institutional envi-
consider how police reform in Scotland happened and what
ronment by aligning themselves with these myths. A par-
changes to policing it has brought about.
ticularly potent myth within the public sector in general and
policing in particular in recent years has been that of New
Public Management with its emphasis on enhanced control
Instrument, culture and myth:
through centralization and target-driven performance man-
perspectives from organization theory
agement as ways of improving efficiency and
Christensen et al.’s (2007) organization theory of the public
effectiveness.
sector provides a way of making sense of how formal con-
These instrumental, cultural and myth perspectives pro-
straints and external factors combined with internal tradi-
vide a helpful framework within which to examine how
tions and cultures shape processes of reform and
police reform happened in Scotland and to understand its
organizational change. As these researchers observe, ‘Public
effects and wider implications. As the analysis that follows
organisations are woven into complex political and social
reveals, however, the boundaries between instrumental,
networks of organized interests, citizens, user groups and
cultural and myth perspectives are often blurred, and the
clients. They experience competing logics, loyalties and
precise meanings of these terms will be shaped by the
sources of influence that are rooted in their organisations
contexts within which they are deployed. The next section
political and administrative leadership, as well as in its cul-
considers the path to establishing a national police force,
ture and external environment’ (Christensen et al., 2007: 9).
while the subsequent section assesses the different chal-
Three interrelated elements lie at the core of their analysis:
lenges that change has created.
the choices and intentions of the political leadership
Making change happen: the path to a
and other actors and the way these are expressed
national police force
through formal structures;
the constraints inherent in established traditions and
In September 2011, the Justice Minister of the Scottish
cultures;
government announced to the Scottish parliament that leg-
the dominant values and norms in the current envi-
islation would be introduced to establish a national police
ronment, which influence the possibilities of what
force. Not only was this the most radical change to policing
public organizations do.
in Scotland for over 100 years, it was also one of the largest

198
International Journal of Police Science & Management 21(4)
public sector reforms in the country for a generation....

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