The election of former rebel women
| Published date | 01 January 2025 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/00223433231200923 |
| Author | Elizabeth L Brannon |
| Date | 01 January 2025 |
https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433231200923
Journal of Peace Research
2025, Vol. 62(1) 166 –181
© The Author(s) 2023
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DOI: 10.1177/00223433231200923
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1225162JPR0010.1177/00223433231200923Journal of Peace ResearchBrannon
research-article2023
Regular Article
The election of former rebel women
Elizabeth L Brannon
Department of Political Science, Indiana University
Abstract
After conflict, many ex-combatant men experience the spoils of war as their rebel groups transition into political
parties and elect former members to party seats. However, it is unclear whether these opportunities are reserved only
for male ex-combatants. This article considers when and why voters might support former rebel women running for
political office. It argues that the election of these women will depend on their roles within rebel groups, as well as
their use of violence during conflict. The article presents a novel dataset on the election of former rebel women to
rebel parties from 1970 to 2020. The results indicate that women’s roles as combatants and leaders in rebel groups
are associated with higher levels of election for rebel women. In contrast, rebel women’s ties to violent tactics such as
terrorism and sexual violence during war are associated with a lower level of election for rebel women after conflict.
The interactions between rebel women’s roles and ties to violence are tested; the results suggested that, regardless of
elite roles, rebel women’s electoral chances are hurt by extreme forms of violence, demonstrating the salience of the
negative stigmas attached to violent women. The findings also demonstrate that while many former rebel women are
marginalized after war, a select few experience political gains.
Keywords
rebel parties, women ex-combatants, women’s political representation
Introduction
Over the last several decades, peace agreements have
increasingly stipulated the transformation of former rebel
groups into political parties (Matanock, 2017). A signif-
icant portion of the elected representatives for these
‘rebel parties’ include former rebel elites and leaders
(Manning, 2007; Ishiyama & Marshall, 2015; Sindre,
2016b). Yet, although rebel women also serve in elite
positions within rebel organizations (Wood & Thomas,
2017; Henshaw et al., 2019), this literature focuses pri-
marily on rebel men. In homage to Cynthia Enloe’s cano-
nical work, this begs the question: Where are the [former
rebel] women? Are former rebel women also elected to
political office?
Research on the post-conflict lives of former rebel
women offers mixed expectations regarding their politi-
cal ascension. Select narratives demonstrate that some
former rebel women translate their wartime contribu-
tions into political careers. During the Ugandan civil war
of 1981–1986, Janet Mukwaya served as a captain
within the National Resistance Army (NRA). Upon the
NRA’s victory, Mukwaya was appointed as Minister of
Gender, Labour, and Social Development (Tripp,
2015). In 2006, Mukwaya successfully ran for parlia-
ment, representing the former rebels. Likewise, in Nepal,
Hisila Yami had a similar path to political power. She
served as a central leader in the Communist Party of
Nepal (Maoist) (CPN(M)) and was elected to the Con-
stituent Assembly in 2008, representing her former rebel
group (IDEA, 2011).
However, the trajectories of Mukwaya and Yami may
be anomalies among rebel women. After conflict, public
discrimination against former rebel women is high, par-
ticularly when they are associated with high levels of
violence (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2007; Coulter, 2008;
Denov, 2008; Doerrer et al., 2011; Henshaw, 2020).
Rebel women’s distinct deviation from traditional gen-
der roles to use violence is seen as ‘breaking sacred laws’
and renders them ‘impure’ (Bop, 2001: 29). Regardless
Corresponding author:
librann@iu.edu
Brannon 167
The election of former rebel women
Elizabeth L Brannon
Department of Political Science, Indiana University
Abstract
After conflict, many ex-combatant men experience the spoils of war as their rebel groups transition into political
parties and elect former members to party seats. However, it is unclear whether these opportunities are reserved only
for male ex-combatants. This article considers when and why voters might support former rebel women running for
political office. It argues that the election of these women will depend on their roles within rebel groups, as well as
their use of violence during conflict. The article presents a novel dataset on the election of former rebel women to
rebel parties from 1970 to 2020. The results indicate that women’s roles as combatants and leaders in rebel groups
are associated with higher levels of election for rebel women. In contrast, rebel women’s ties to violent tactics such as
terrorism and sexual violence during war are associated with a lower level of election for rebel women after conflict.
The interactions between rebel women’s roles and ties to violence are tested; the results suggested that, regardless of
elite roles, rebel women’s electoral chances are hurt by extreme forms of violence, demonstrating the salience of the
negative stigmas attached to violent women. The findings also demonstrate that while many former rebel women are
marginalized after war, a select few experience political gains.
Keywords
rebel parties, women ex-combatants, women’s political representation
Introduction
Over the last several decades, peace agreements have
increasingly stipulated the transformation of former rebel
groups into political parties (Matanock, 2017). A signif-
icant portion of the elected representatives for these
‘rebel parties’ include former rebel elites and leaders
(Manning, 2007; Ishiyama & Marshall, 2015; Sindre,
2016b). Yet, although rebel women also serve in elite
positions within rebel organizations (Wood & Thomas,
2017; Henshaw et al., 2019), this literature focuses pri-
marily on rebel men. In homage to Cynthia Enloe’s cano-
nical work, this begs the question: Where are the [former
rebel] women? Are former rebel women also elected to
political office?
Research on the post-conflict lives of former rebel
women offers mixed expectations regarding their politi-
cal ascension. Select narratives demonstrate that some
former rebel women translate their wartime contribu-
tions into political careers. During the Ugandan civil war
of 1981–1986, Janet Mukwaya served as a captain
within the National Resistance Army (NRA). Upon the
NRA’s victory, Mukwaya was appointed as Minister of
Gender, Labour, and Social Development (Tripp,
2015). In 2006, Mukwaya successfully ran for parlia-
ment, representing the former rebels. Likewise, in Nepal,
Hisila Yami had a similar path to political power. She
served as a central leader in the Communist Party of
Nepal (Maoist) (CPN(M)) and was elected to the Con-
stituent Assembly in 2008, representing her former rebel
group (IDEA, 2011).
However, the trajectories of Mukwaya and Yami may
be anomalies among rebel women. After conflict, public
discrimination against former rebel women is high, par-
ticularly when they are associated with high levels of
violence (Sjoberg & Gentry, 2007; Coulter, 2008;
Denov, 2008; Doerrer et al., 2011; Henshaw, 2020).
Rebel women’s distinct deviation from traditional gen-
der roles to use violence is seen as ‘breaking sacred laws’
and renders them ‘impure’ (Bop, 2001: 29). Regardless
Corresponding author:
librann@iu.edu
of individual rebel women’s wartime experiences and
contributions, rebel women find that their ties to con-
flict often have negative reverberating effects on their
political opportunities (Bop, 2001; McKay, 2005;
Coulter, 2008).
This article builds on research on women’s candidacy
and election to develop a theory of rebel women’s elec-
tion to rebel parties. It argues that voters will use
knowledge about the rebel organization and women’s
general roles within it as heuristic shortcuts to evaluate
rebel women candidates. In particular, voter evalua-
tions will hinge on a group-level understanding of
qualifications through prestige-based roles, as well as
deviations to gender norms through proximity to vio-
lence. When voters associate rebel women with presti-
gious roles that could qualify them for political office,
they may be more likely to support their election. In
contrast, when women rebels are tied to severe violence,
voters will punish them for their extreme deviation
from expected gender roles.
The article introduces a novel dataset on the election
of former rebel women to rebel parties from 1970 to
2020. It demonstrates that rebel women’s electoral suc-
cess varies drastically among rebel parties, with some
electing only women who are former rebels and many
electing none. The analysis suggests that a greater pro-
portion of former rebel women are elected when they
served in elite positions, including combat and leader-
ship roles. However, their election is highly dependent
on ties to violence. When women’s participation is asso-
ciated with the perpetration of violence, including sui-
cide terrorism and sexual violence, a smaller proportion
of former rebel women are elected. Further, ties to vio-
lence diminish voter support for rebel women regardless
of the elite roles women had during war, demonstrating
the salience of such ties.
By offering an understanding of the political inclusion
or exclusion of former rebel women, this article has
implications for the study of peace and security, as well
as representation. Scholars have argued that the political
reintegration of former rebels is critical for stability and
peace after conflict, as it offers rebels the ability to influ-
ence political change and decreases incentives to remo-
bilize (Manning, 2007; Marshall & Ishiyama, 2016;
Matanock, 2016). However, if only former rebel men
are integrated into government, while former rebel
women are excluded, efforts to promote peace could fall
short. Moreover, rebel women have distinct interests
from other women and rebel men (Gowrinathan,
2021), rendering it important that their voices are
descriptively represented within government. Finally,
this article speaks to how roles in non-state armed groups
can lead to political careers.
The election of former rebels
Former rebels are frequently represented within their
respective rebel parties (Manning, 2007; Sindre,
2016b, a), which are common in post-war politics.
Nearly 50% of rebel groups transition into political par-
ties after conflict (Matanock, 2016; Manning & Smith,
2019). After transitioning, most consistently participate
in elections and win seats (Manning & Smith, 2019). In
many cases, rebel parties have even held a majority of
seats in parliament, indicating a significant political
influence among these parties.
Among their members, rebel parties and voters are
discriminative in whom they support as candidates,
as not every rebel is seen as electable. As Turshen
(2002: 73) notes, for many former rebels, ‘their skill was
fighting, not politics’. Instead, the rebels who are most
successful in running are those who are politically com-
petent, capable and educated (Manning, 2007). Typi-
cally, these are elites whose roles demanded leadership
skills or political organizing. For example, in the first
post-war election in Nepal in 2008, approximately a
quarter of elected representatives were high-level officials
(Ishiyama & Marshall, 2015). In El Salvador, the FMLN
(Farabundo Martı
´National Liberation Front) elected
mostly former members who had held command posi-
tions during conflict (Manning, 2007: 265).
In addition to the skills and experience of former
rebels, voters consider ties to violence. Legacies of vio-
lence present a general challenge to all rebel parties and
their candidates, as they must signal their willingness to
use institutional methods of political change and aban-
don violence (de Zeeuw, 2008). As a result, former rebel
parties that directly disavow the future use of violence
tend to win more seats (Ishiyama & Widmeier, 2013).
As voters evaluate rebel candidates, women possess
advantages and disadvantages. Research on women’s
candidate emergence and electoral success points to the
many ways in which rebel women’s path to office may be
complicated. Moreover, the interaction of rebel women’s
identity as women and rebels further impacts their elect-
ability. In many groups, women rebels serve as comba-
tants and leaders, garnering skills and experiences that
qualify them for political office. Simultaneously, there is
a negative stigma attached to women rebels when they
are associated with violence that may hurt their electabil-
ity. Yet, the role of gender has not been considered in the
election of former rebels.
2journal of PEACE RESEARCH XX(X)
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