The Politics of Coal: Some Aspects of the Miners' Strike

AuthorAndrew J Taylor
Published date01 April 1985
DOI10.1111/j.1467-9256.1985.tb00099.x
Date01 April 1985
Subject MatterArticle
THE
POLITICS
OF
COAL:
SmE
ASPECTS
OF
ME MINERS' STRIKE
ANDREW
J
TAYLOR
The miners' strike
is
the most momentous industrial dispute in post-
war British politics eclipsing, perhaps, even the General Strike in the long-
run. This paper's limited aim is a preliminary consideration of certain
facets of the dispute:
the scale of political change in the
NUM
which in itself helps explain the
fragmentation
of
the strike and possibly the union. The timing of the strike
raises questions about its inevitability given the policies of the government
and union leadership. The strike poses critical questions on the changina
role of unions in the British polity and on the nature of union democracy,
whilst the policing of the strike indicates
a
fundamental shift in the state's
attitude
to
militant industrial action. The strike tells us as much about
contemporary Conservatism
,as
it
does about the NUM's politics, the implication
being that a successful confrontation with the miners is an essential pre-
requisite
for
the re-orientation of the United Kingdom's political economy.
its
cause, when compared to 1972 and
1974,
points to
The
PoZitics
of
Pit
Closur(es
After
1958
the
NUM
c'o-operated with Conservative and Labour governments
in coal's decline. This, ,and the restructuring of wages (1966-1971), generated
pol
it
ica
1
change in the
NUM
symbol
i
sed by the rise of Arthur Scargi
11.
(Taylor,
1984,
Ch
7)
Pit
lclosures were far more emotive than pay, and
preserving the industry and its communities became the central plank in the
left's platform. (Scargill,
1975
and 1981a) Opposition to pit closures on
grounds other than exhaustion, insuperable geology or safety was the central
promise of Scargill's presidential election manifesto, a position maintained
inviolate throughout the dispute. (Scargil
1,
1981b) That there was bitter
resentment amongst the miners at becoming Britain's 'industrial gypsies' was
undeniable. Whether this could provide the base for a
national.
strike in the
same way as pay was problematical. (Allen,
1981,
pp 301-06)
In
1981
the miners did unite in resistance to closures. They forced the
government to retreat: Mrs Thatcher's only public defeat at the hands
of
the
unions. The NUM's rejection of Thatcherism
is
part of a historical tradition
of
oppos
i
ng Conserva
t
i
sm. However, nat
i
ona
1
i
sat ion means the
NUM
must work
with
any
government and
it
offered co-operation on the basis of Plan for Coal.
(NCB, 1974) Gormley (then
NUM
President) brandished the miners' militancy
and reputation to persuade the Cabinet to continue the tripartite approach and
ensure 'that we are continuing to be regarded as an expanding industry, even
though industries around
us
have a very different situation'
.2
(Gormley, 1982,
Ch 10) The government's economic and political phi.losophy rejected this. The
Coal Industry Act (1980) d'ecreed that the industry be independent of the
Exchequer for covering its operating losses by
1983-84.
The result was an
'unofficial-official' strike wave which forced the government to fund a E400m
subsidy to the coal industry. (Hall,
1981,
pp 253-67)
Was this a victory? Though embarrassed the Cabinet was not deflected
from
its
long-term policy. The Prime Minister insisted sooner or later there
would be an accounting. (Tlhe Times,
20
February 1981) This was accepted by
Arthur Scargi
11
who argue3 neither the
NCB
nor the government had given any-
thing
of
substance and he urged the
NUM
to continue industrial action to secure
'copper-bottomed' guaranteles on the industry's future. The
NEC
contended that
real gains
had
been made and that ministers were now willing to listen to the
NUM.
indeed, Gormley declared, 'sometimes
it
is better to talk to Tory
Ministers than Tony Benn'. (The Guardian,
2
April 1981) Ministers agreed that

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