Working Inside the Gate: School Discipline on Post

AuthorJohn J. Brent,Thomas J. Mowen,Gregg G. Mowen
DOI10.1177/1473225417699166
Published date01 August 2017
Date01 August 2017
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/1473225417699166
Youth Justice
2017, Vol. 17(2) 99 –115
© The Author(s) 2017
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DOI: 10.1177/1473225417699166
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Working Inside the Gate:
School Discipline on Post
Thomas J. Mowen, Gregg G. Mowen
and John J. Brent
Abstract
Racial and ethnic disparities in school discipline in the United States have been well researched, and
explanations often highlight the role of structural inequality in explaining these trends. Research has yet to
examine disparities in school discipline within a population for which structural inequalities are relatively
accounted. Using data from a high school located on a US military installation, we examine patterns of
discipline within this sample, representing a population of students whose parents have steady employment,
housing, health care, counseling, and childcare. Findings indicate racial and ethnic disparities in discipline are
minimal due to the military culture, access to resources, and focus on rehabilitative discipline.
Keywords
families, restorative discipline, school discipline
Introduction
Over the past few decades, scholars have noted that school discipline in the United States
has become increasingly punitive (Fuentes, 2011; Mowen, 2014). Often referred to as the
‘criminalization of school discipline’ (Hirschfield, 2008), many schools have come to rely
on school disciplinary policies that echo the punitive policies and practices of the formal
criminal justice system. Not coincidently, researchers and policy-makers alike have
become concerned with the so-called ‘school-to-prison pipeline’ – a trend in which stu-
dents who are punished in school are increasingly likely to find themselves involved with
the formal criminal justice system (US Department of Education, 2014). But the ‘crimi-
nalization’ of school discipline (Hirschfield, 2008) does not affect all students equally.
Instead, criminalized school punishment disproportionally impacts Black and Hispanic
students as well as youth from lower socioeconomic backgrounds (Fabelo et al., 2011;
Kupchik, 2010; Morris, 2005; Welch and Payne, 2012). In exploring these trends, scholars
Corresponding author:
Thomas J. Mowen, Department of Sociology, Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green, OH 43402, USA.
Email: socdept@bgsu.edu
699166YJJ0010.1177/1473225417699166Youth JusticeMowen et al.
research-article2017
Article
100 Youth Justice 17(2)
have offered a number of theoretical explanations, including the ascension of the post-
industrial labor market and neoliberal policies (Kupchik and Monahan, 2006), and the
effects of broader trends in inequality and punishment in society (Hirschfield, 2008).
Findings show the inequity in school discipline along racial and class boundaries holds for
public and private schools across the United States, as well as for children in elementary,
middle, and high schools (US Department of Education Office for Civil Rights, 2014).
Overall, prior work has established that one of the primary means in which to under-
stand inequalities in school discipline along racial and class boundaries is social inequal-
ity and disadvantage, often operationalized as a lack of material resources (see Kupchik,
2010). While we note the increasing importance of studies assessing disparities in school
punishment, we also note the need for counterfactual perspectives. That is, while disad-
vantage and social inequality are key constructs in understanding inequality in school
discipline, we wonder whether the absence – or minimization – of structural inequality
leads to greater equity in school discipline. We believe such an analysis is important as
prior research shows that when school discipline is fair and equal, it can be effective in
deterring unwanted behavior (Arum and Velez, 2012). As a result, we seek to understand
trends in school discipline within a school setting in which structural inequalities are
largely minimized.
In order to address this gap in the literature, we draw from a novel data source: a high
school within the US Department of Defense Education Activity (DoDEA) system.
Although discussed in greater detail in subsequent sections, this high school serves chil-
dren of active duty military parent(s) and a very limited number of eligible children of
Department of Defense employees. Overall, these parents are all employed, have housing
provided to them either directly or through supplemental pay, medical coverage, signifi-
cant access to mental and physical health professionals, and free (or significantly reduced)
social benefits for their children. In addition, students are exempt from school fees that
many students in public schools often encounter (e.g. sports fees), provided with a per-
sonal laptop, and other resources (DoDEA, 2015b). To examine our research question, we
first use quantitative data from this high school to explore trends in school discipline
along racial and ethnic boundaries. Next, we continue with analysis of qualitative inter-
views collected from key actors within the school to provide additional insight into the
operation of school discipline within this school, with particular attention on whether or
not there is an absence of structural disadvantage and whether this dynamic impacts ineq-
uity in discipline. Finally, we offer potential explanations to help us understand why
school discipline within this school appears to be different than broader trends observed
in the United States.
Disadvantage and School Punishment
As we note above, previous literature on school discipline shows that the use of harsh
discipline is increasing and that it disproportionally impacts racial/ethnic minorities as
well as lower socioeconomic status students (Hirschfield, 2008; Irwin et al., 2013;
Wacquant, 2009). Broadly, structural disadvantage refers to the unequal position in which
members of some social groups occupy, and there is a great deal linking disadvantaged

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