‘You feel dirty a lot of the time’: Policing ‘dirty work’, contamination and purification rituals
| Published date | 01 September 2019 |
| Author | Camilla R. De Camargo |
| DOI | 10.1177/1461355719864365 |
| Date | 01 September 2019 |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
Article
International Journal of
Police Science & Management
‘You feel dirty a lot of the time’:
2019, Vol. 21(3) 133–145
ª The Author(s) 2019
Policing ‘dirty work’, contamination
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and purification rituals
DOI: 10.1177/1461355719864365
journals.sagepub.com/home/psm
Camilla R. De Camargo
Department of Criminology and Sociology, Kingston University, UK
Abstract
Following the controversial adoption of spit-hoods by some UK police forces, most recently by the London Metropolitan
Police in February 2019, this article contributes to and extends debates on physical and symbolic contamination by
drawing on established considerations of ‘dirty work’. The article argues that, for police officers, cleansing rituals are
personal and subjective. As a relatively high-prestige occupation, police officers occupy a unique position in that they are
protected by a status shield. Reflections from this ethnographic study suggest that the police uniform can be used as a
vehicle for contamination and staff employ purification rituals and methods of taint management.
Keywords
Policing, contamination, dirty work, purification rituals, spit-hoods
Submitted 05 Mar 2019, Revise received 21 May 2019, accepted 10 Jun 2019
Introduction
management. The argument for contamination prevention
is supported by reference to British PC Christopher Wilson
Cullen et al. (1983) described the ‘paradox in policing’
who died in 1977 after contracting a fatal illness after being
where officers do not believe that physical injury occurs
spat on at a football match. In another case, Ukrainian
frequently in police work but nevertheless accept that it is a
officer Arina Koltsova died in 2016 after contracting tuber-
dangerous job, in other, more nuanced, ways. Perceptions
culosis when arresting an infected suspect (National Police
of danger are important in shaping policing occupational
Chief’s Council [NPCC], 2017). Therefore, the use of con-
culture, and the emphasis on risk and threat is used to
tamination prevention methods are high on police officer
transform everyday working practices into a ‘craft’ of iden-
agendas within their ‘dirty work’.
tifying potential danger and contamination hazards (Crank,
Within the academic literature, contamination has typi-
1998: 110). An amount of fear and danger may be useful in
cally been discussed in symbolic terms as ‘disorder’ or
policing not only because it serves to make the work more
‘matter out of place’ (Douglas, 1966: 2) and contained in
enriching and interesting (Jermier et al., 1989), but also
these considerations, there exists a ‘close relationship
because it forces officers to take undertake (anticipatory)
between ideas about the body social and the body physical’
purification rituals to avoid contamination from the clien-
tele that the police interact with on a daily basis. Front-line
(Buckley and Gottlieb, 1988: 28). Rituals that are used to
police officers are at high risk of crime; there were 26,000
cleanse or purify after contamination have been largely
assaults on UK officers in 2017–2018 (Home Office,
2018a). Officers are also at high risk of contamination as
‘dirty workers’, both physically and symbolically.
Corresponding author:
Camilla R. De Camargo, Department of Criminology and Sociology,
Although the risk of disease transference is low, feelings
Kingston University, Penrhyn Road, Kingston-upon-Thames KT1
of antipathy raise concern for officer well-being and
2EE, UK.
provide justification for officers to be anticipatory in taint
Email: c.decamargo@kingston.ac.uk
134
International Journal of Police Science & Management 21(3)
ignored in the literature and Oring (1979: 16) argued that
focuses on four broad areas: ‘dirty work’, occupational
these omissions are due to the ‘negative attitude our culture
prestige, cleansing rituals and the recent introduction of
holds towards . . . faeces, urine, sperm, ear wax, mucus,
spit-hoods as another method of taint management. For the
spittle, sweat and dandruff [which] are all regarded as dirty
purpose of this article, dirty work encompasses both sym-
and defiling . . . We tend to avoid these substances when
bolic and physical contamination. Within the latter, this can
produced by others and conceal those of our own making’.
be anything from dealing with dead bodies to the transfer-
These more commonplace attitudes concentrate on physi-
ence of contaminants through individuals.
cal contamination and are what most people associate with
dirty work.
Methodology
Hughes (1951) first invoked the phrase ‘dirty work’ to
refer to occupations, and the responsibilities within these
The data presented here is drawn from an ethnography
occupations, that are perceived to be repulsive or demean-
conducted in 2014, that examined the practical and sym-
ing by other members of society. He argued that to sustain
bolic properties of the police uniform. Within one UK
the effective functioning of society, ‘dirty workers’ must
police force, anonymized in this article as BlueCorp, the
handle the unpleasant aspects of their role for others to
cooperation of three neighbourhood policing teams was
continue to consider themselves ‘clean’ (Hughes, 1962).
obtained; one was predominantly urban and the other two
Police officers are deemed as dirty workers as they often
had largely rural populations. The research framework was
deal with individuals that wider society disassociates with;
designed to explore issues of officer perceptions of police
‘the greater their social distance from us, the more we leave
clothing. Non-participant observations were undertaken
in the hands of [the police], a sort of mandate by default to
with 14 police constables (PCs), as part of a wider study,
deal with them on our behalf’ (Hughes, 1962: 9). Although
in a northern police force over a period of 4 months in 2014.
dirty work may be a routine part of policing, it lacks per-
The PCs were made up of 11 men (one BME) and three
sonal dignity (Ericson, 1982) and can ‘spill-over’ into the
women. Numbers have replaced names for all participants.
personal lives of officers (Crawley, 2004).
This article draws directly on the fieldnotes, conversations
Goffman (1963) and Hughes (1951) both considered
and observations recorded throughout the study as a foun-
three ways in which an occupation can be considered stig-
dation on which to theorize about dirty work and cleansing
matized: through physical, social or moral taints. Although
rituals. Although the sample is not intended to be represen-
neither Goffman nor Hughes proposed precise definitions
tative, it provides valuable insights into the subjective
of these pollutions, Ashforth and Kreiner (1999) later ela-
understandings of a range of participants. Ethnography is
borated on these categories: physical taint is where occu-
useful for this because, as Rivera and Tracy (2014: 202)
pations are directly associated with dirty or dangerous
argue, experiences of dirty work and the feelings that they
conditions or involvement with tangibly offensive things
invoke, are developed through the ‘rich and embodied nar-
such as waste products or death; social taint refers to an
ratives of the scene’.
occupation in which workers have regular contact with
Although several ‘dirty work’ aspects of policing have
people who are stigmatized or in servile positions; and
been discussed in the literature, exploring ethnographic
moral taint occurs when an occupation is of debatable mor-
accounts of the police role as being physically and symbo-
ality (see also Kreiner at al., 2006). Using these categoriza-
lically contaminating with an additional lens of clothing
tions, it is clear, that on some level, police officers, by the
adds a further layer to this important discussion. Although
very nature of their occupation, can be affected by a com-
my research was ethnographic, and I accompanied police
bination of all three, thus cementing their job as ‘dirty
officers on day-to-day jobs, I was protected by my
work’ (Hughes, 1951). The problem is that workers then
researcher (and possibly student and female) status, and I
become ‘stigmatized’ and are considered ‘dirty workers’
did not witness any of the truly macabre and dirty aspects of
(Ashforth and Kreiner, 1999).
policing because the public are rarely allowed to view these
This article focuses on the physical and symbolic
scenes (Drew and Hulvey, 2007). Therefore, the discus-
aspects of contamination to extend the conceptualization
sions around contamination are mainly second-hand
of pollution. It argues that police officers, although pro-
accounts and vis these personal recollections, I noted the
tected somewhat by a status shield, are affected by different
authentic accounts and constructions of contamination
types of contamination, and that symbolic and physical
through the officer’s gaze that may be misconstrued or
characteristics can be equally polluting. Furthermore, the
missed completely had I observed them myself without
police uniform can be used involuntarily as a vehicle for
clarification. I did however, on the occasions detailed later
contamination, and purification rituals are used by officers
in this article, witness officer cleansing rituals and gathered
in personal and subjective ways. By drawing on fieldwork
officers’ recollections and dirty work understandings ‘in-
carried out as part of an ethnographic study, this article
the-moment’, and similarly experienced elements of ‘dirty
De...
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