FROM ‘NARCISSISTIC’ POSITIVE INTERNATIONAL LAW TO ‘UNIVERSAL’ NATURAL INTERNATIONAL LAW: THE DIALECTICS OF ‘ABSENTEE COLONIALISM’

Date01 March 2008
Published date01 March 2008
Pages56-82
DOI10.3366/E0954889008000066
AuthorPRABHAKAR SINGH
INTRODUCTION

The classic notions of antiquity had very imperfect notions of international justice. With the Greeks and Romans, ‘foreigners’ and ‘Barbarians’ or ‘enemy’ were synonymous in language and in fact. By their rude theory of public law, the persons of alien were doomed to slavery (…) piracy was unblushingly practised by the most civilized states which then existed (…) Grecian philosophers gravely assert that they (barbarians or foreigners) were intended by nature to be the slaves of the Greeks.1

H. Wheaton, Elements of International Law: A Sketch of the History of the Science, Carey, Lea & Blanchard (1836) at 17.

Colonialism’ has been the first gift of science to the non-European world. Developments in natural science through inventions set the pace for industrial revolution in Europe. The industrial revolution, further, set the sail for discovering new markets, resources and raw materials. An attempt to find markets and materials exposed the fragile Asian and African states to the imperial designs of colonisers, hidden in the garb of civilisers and merchants. The marriage of ‘mercantilism’ and ‘civilisationalism’ on the Asian and African soil fertilised by advances in science gave birth to colonialism. This ‘couple’ conceived many a time and brought forth ‘cultural’ and ‘military’ subjugation, servility, racism and interference into the sovereignty and society of the unexcavated soil of Asia and Africa. This family soon spread in the world what we now know as ‘the Empire’

The Empire accidentally found a very faithful servant: international law, a servant which had accompanied the empire from Europe. Born and brought up in the post Westphalian European surroundings and emerging out of the tenets of naturalism, European international law was manufactured by a metamorphosis under the heat and pressure of market, money and materialism. Its nature and character changed completely. Even international law's Dutch father, Huig de Groot could not have recognised this new form of international law for which I have coined the term, ‘‘narcissistic positive international law’’. It was a post ‘Age of Reason’ phenomenon though there is ‘considerable evidence to contrary’ showing it was not exactly an age of reason.2

J. Bacchus, ‘Groping Towards Grotius: The WTO and the International Rule of Law’, 44(2) Harvard Journal of International Law (2003) 534.

Professor Mahendra Singh believes that

the renaissance, reformation and industrial revolution gave such a lead to the West over the rest that not only the former conquered and colonised the latter, but the former also got convinced that only the ideas and theories that helped it [the West] in bringing about this transformation, could transform the rest too.3

M. P. Singh, ‘A Theory of Human Right for India’, 4(1) Indian Juridical Review (2007), at 2. The author here discusses the works of Rajani Kothai, an important scholar on third world human right's debate. Also see, U. Baxi, ‘Voices of Suffering and the Future of Human Rights’, 8(2) Transnational Law and Contemporary Problems (1998) 125–169.

This article deals with the role of invented positive international law and legality behind the project of colonisation in Asia, Africa and the Pacific. By asserting Western conceptions of sovereignty in oriental civilisations and the policy of ‘cultural comparison’ and ‘racial construction’ of sovereignty in international law, the colonisers, racialised the vocabulary of sociology of international law Naturalism, Positivism and International Law

Two contesting sets of dialogues that have affected the character of international law in the 19th and 20th centuries are the natural and positivistic law debates. Natural law advocates an application of universal principles of morality and justice, whereas legal positivism only considers the law flowing down from the sovereign as the true law. Thus Hobbes and Austin treated international law as ‘international morality’, and not fit to be called a proper law. Eighteenth century Europe was expanding and capturing colonial territories and it needed its colonial endeavours to be ‘legitimised’. International law, therefore, had to be proved a proper law – the first step in the justification of the politico-economic project of colonisation. An otherwise construction of international law on natural law grounds would not have approved the ‘colonisation project’ of the European states.4

P. Singh, ‘Constitutional Norms in International law: International Judicial Regimes, Human Rights and Resistance’, 4(1) Indian Juridical Review (2007) 133–149.

Sir Hersh Lauterpacht has therefore conceded that there was indeed some political purpose behind the colonisation scheme.5

H. Lauterpacht, The Development of International Law by Permanent Court of International Justice Longmans, Green & Co. (1934).

Towards the end of the 19th century positivism was replacing naturalism as the chief analytical apparatus to study law and society. Henry Wheaton, an American writer of considerable influence, emphatically claimed that the ‘Law of Nations’ or jus gentium came out from natural laws that had emerged from the influential works of Hugo Grotius and Puffendorf in Europe.6

Wheaton, supra note 1 at 36, 37.

But the Austinian positive law, which came after these works, treated international law as international morality with no force of law and fear of sanctions.7

The major works of Austin are, Lectures on Jurisprudence, J. Murry (1897) and D. Campbell & P. Thomson (eds.) The Province of Jurisprudence Determined by John Austin, Ashgate (1998); see for discussion on Austinian Sovereign and Family of nations: G. Butler, ‘Sovereignty and League of Nations’, 1 British Yearbook of International Law (1920/21) 35–44.

Henry Wheaton declared, as early as 1836, that there was no universal law of nations.8

Wheaton, supra note 1; In this book Wheaton mentions natural law as the law of God. He mentions Hobbes, Puffendorf and Vattel's influential works to define international law.

In the beginning of the 20th century, lawyers like Lassa Oppenheim9

L. Oppenheim, ‘The Science of International law: Its task and Method’, 2 American Journal of International Law (1908) 313. There were a lot of articles published in the British Yearbook on the issue of positivistic accounts of international law. See W. Jones, ‘The Pure Theory of International Law’, 16 British Yearbook of International Law (1935) at 5; J. Starke, ‘Monism and Dualism in International Law’ 17 British Yearbook of International Law (1936) at 66; L. Kopelmanas, ‘Custom as means of Creation of International Law’, 18 British Yearbook of International Law (1937) at 127.

and Lauterpacht10

Lauterpacht, ‘United States and the Permanent Court of International Justice’, 1 Pacific Affairs (1928) at 33.

were trying to establish international law as a proper law.11

The publication of the British Yearbook of International law is one step in this direction. This was intended to record the developments in international law as in the domestic law. From 1939 to 1943 due to the outbreak of the Second World War the publication of the British Yearbook of International law was suspended. See Lauterpacht, ‘Introduction: Resumption of the publication of the British Yearbook of International Law’, 21 British Yearbook of International law (1944) iii.

The popularity of Austinian advocacy for disqualification of international law from the determined province of law was a hurdle before these naturalists. This was also the time when imperialism was spreading and international law had the additional task of accommodating the role of colonisation in international law. But for most scholars like Alexendrowicz, colonisation had a marginal or peripheral import on the making of international law.12

C. H. Alexandrowicz, An Introduction to the History of the Law of Nations in the East Indies Clarendon Press (1967); C. H. Alexandrowicz, ‘Doctrinal Aspects of the Universality of the Law of Nations’, 37 British Yearbook of International Law (1961) 506–515.

However, the new 21st century debate on colonialism and international law, particularly by Antony Anghie, treats colonialism as the central element in the development of modern international law.13

A. Anghie, ‘The Evolution of International Law: Colonial and Postcolonial Realities’, 27(5) Third World Quarterly (2006) 739–53. Antony Angie's works have inspired me to research in this particular area of international law. His article …

sketches out a history of the evolution of international law that focuses in particular on the manner in which imperialism shaped the discipline. It argues that colonialism, rather than being a peripheral concern of the discipline is central to the formation of international law and, in particular, it's founding concept, sovereignty. It argues that international law has always been animated by the civilising mission, the project of governing and transforming non-European peoples, and that the current war on terror is an extension of this project.

This article divulges the political and diplomatic aspects of ‘manufactured positive international law’ because the ‘colonial and postcolonial realities of international law have been obscured by the analytical frameworks that governed traditional scholarship on the subject’14

Ibid.

and the new scholarship ought to provide fresh impetus and dimension to this study
COLONIALISM, EUROPE AND INTERNATIONAL LAW

For many, the universalisation of international law is principally the political by-product of imperialism. However true this may be, I would argue that the shift to positivism of international law from naturalism was a conscious choice by European scholars like Westlake,15

See Generally, J. Westlake, Chapters on the Principles of International Law, University of Michigan Press (1894).

Wheaton16

supra note 1.

and Oppenheim.17

See, John Pawley Bate (Trans.), Die zukunft des völkerrechts by Lassa Oppenheim [The Future of...

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