An Alternative to Representation: Explaining Preferences for Citizens as Political Decision-Makers
| Author | Brigitte Geissel,Sergiu Gherghina |
| DOI | 10.1177/1478929918807713 |
| Published date | 01 August 2019 |
| Date | 01 August 2019 |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
807713PSW0010.1177/1478929918807713Political Studies ReviewGherghina and Geissel
research-article2018
Article
Political Studies Review
2019, Vol. 17(3) 224 –238
An Alternative to
© The Author(s) 2018
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
Representation: Explaining
https://doi.org/10.1177/1478929918807713
DOI: 10.1177/1478929918807713
journals.sagepub.com/home/psrev
Preferences for Citizens as
Political Decision-Makers
Sergiu Gherghina1 and Brigitte Geissel2
Abstract
Extensive scholarly attention is devoted to citizens’ preferences for alternative models of political
decision-making. However, few efforts were made to identify who these citizens are and why
they display a certain preference. To address this void in the literature, our article analyzes
the determinants of preferences for citizens as decision-makers. It uses individual-level data
from a 2014 survey on a probability representative sample in Germany and tests the effects of
political attitudes toward institutions of representative democracy, interest in politics, and civic
involvement. It controls for consumption of political news, education, and age.
Keywords
decision-makers, citizens, critique of democracy, political interest, Germany
Accepted: 10 September 2018
Introduction
In recent decades, extensive scholarly attention has been dedicated to citizens’ prefer-
ences for alternative models of political decision-making (Bengtsson and Christensen,
2016; Esaiasson et al., 2012; Gherghina and Geissel, 2017; Hibbing and Theiss-Morse,
2001). The findings indicate that some citizens favor political representatives as decision-
makers, some are more oriented toward experts (Rapeli, 2015), while others want citizens
to have (more often) the final say (Anderson and Goodyear-Grant, 2010; Bengtsson and
Mattila, 2009; Bowler et al., 2007; Coffé and Michels, 2014; Font et al., 2015; Gabriel,
2013; Webb, 2013). The latter perspective has recently gained momentum and, in addi-
tion to the increasing amount of referendums organized worldwide (Altman, 2011;
Qvortrup, 2014), there are important indicators of increasingly positive attitudes toward
1College of Social Sciences, University of Glasgow, Glasgow, UK
2Department of Political Science, Goethe University Frankfurt, Frankfurt am Main, Germany
Corresponding author:
Sergiu Gherghina, College of Social Sciences, University of Glasgow, Glasgow G12 8RT, UK.
Email: sergiulor@yahoo.com
Gherghina and Geissel
225
referendums.1 For example, according to the World Values Survey (Wave 5, 2015) the
majority of people consider the item “people can change the laws in referendums” as an
“essential characteristic of democracy.” Also, the European Social Survey (Round 6,
2012) points out that Europeans consider referendums to be as essential as free opposi-
tion, media freedom, or minority rights.
In spite of this development toward more participatory preferences, only isolated
efforts were made to explain them. So far, research always referred to one survey question
applied in (inter-)national surveys asking for preferences without information about how
consistent this preference actually is. Looking at explanatory variables, these studies
focused mainly on the ways in which factors like dissatisfaction with democracy, educa-
tion, or political interest may shape preferences for decision-makers (Bengtsson and
Mattila, 2009; Coffé and Michels, 2014; Dalton et al., 2001; Hibbing and Theiss-Morse,
2001). Donovan and Karp (2006) have carved out the main question discussed in the fol-
lowing years, whether the dissatisfied, less educated citizens favor direct democratic
decision-making more than the politically interested and educated citizens. Apart from
not reaching any conclusive results due to the mixed evidence, this body of research
ignored several attitudes that may be relevant to determine the preferences for citizens as
decision-makers. To partially address this void in the literature, our article tests the extent
to which political satisfaction with democracy as well as with different institutions of
representative democracy, interest in politics, and civic engagement can explain the con-
sistent preference for citizens as decision-makers. We control for the consumption of
news, education, and age. It uses individual-level data from a 2014 survey on a probabil-
ity representative sample in Germany, where almost one-quarter of the respondents
(approximately 700) had a clear preference toward citizens as decision-makers; the others
either favor representative/expert democracy or have mixed preferences.
The following section reviews the state of the art on explaining citizens’ preferences,
provides the theoretical underpinnings for the main testable hypotheses, and briefly dis-
cusses the potential impact of controls. Next, we describe our methodological approach
and the data, with emphasis on the case selection and variable operationalization. The
fourth section presents and interprets the results of the quantitative analysis, while the
conclusion summarizes the main findings and discusses broader implications for the
study of public attitudes toward direct democratic decision-making.2
State of the Art and Hypotheses
Scholars have recently started to pay closer attention to citizens’ preferences considering
their role as political decision-makers (Font et al., 2015).3 A variety of surveys provide
data on certain aspects of citizens’ conceptions: the different barometers conducted
around the world (Afrobarometer, Eurobarometer, etc.), the World Values Survey (WVS),
the International Social Survey Program (ISSP, particularly the modules on citizenship in
2004 or 2014) or the European Social Survey (Round 6, 2012), as well as country sur-
veys. These studies reveal that citizens all over the world rank referendums as an essen-
tial, indispensable characteristic of democracy, which means they hold strong preferences
for citizens as political decision-makers (Pew Research Center 2017). Research explain-
ing these attitudes provides mixed evidence (Font et al., 2015). While some studies show
that political dissatisfaction is the main explanatory variable, other works see mainly the
level of education as a driver or use the interactions between these two variables
(Bengtsson and Christensen, 2016; Bengtsson and Mattila, 2009; Bowler et al., 2007;
226
Political Studies Review 17(3)
Coffé and Michels, 2014; Dalton et al., 2001; Hibbing & Theiss-Morse, 2001, 2002;
Webb, 2013).
Based on existing research in the field, but also inspired from the literature of political
attitude formation and participation, we structure the debate along the two main features
potentially influencing the preference for citizens as decision-makers. These are the dis-
satisfaction with the institutions of representative democracy, and political interest and
active engagement in society. Political dissatisfaction and political involvement are the
two variables—in addition to the socioeconomic status (SES) variables—discussed in
most studies on preferences for direct democratic decision-making. Bowler et al. (2007)
summarized the debate when they asked whether “enraged” (dissatisfied) or “engaged”
citizens prefer “direct citizen participation.” This debate continued to shape empirical
analysis until today, most recently in the study by Christensen (2017) focusing on “know-
ing and distrusting,” by Gabriel (2013) including mainly variables in the context of politi-
cal trust and political interest, or by Rose and Borz (2013) who examined the political
involvement and dissatisfaction as the main variables; for a similar effort, see Schuck and
De Vreese (2011). Education is the standard variable supposedly explaining preferences
for citizens as decision-makers—in some countries citizens with higher education are less
enthusiastic about direct democratic decision-making than citizens with a lower educa-
tional background (Coffé and Michels, 2014; Dalton et al., 2001). News consumption is
also a factor considered as crucial (Gabriel, 2013). Also, age has turned out to have an
impact (Dalton et al., 2001). These variables will now be discussed in more detail.
Political Dissatisfaction
Citizens who are critical toward the institutions of political representation and dissatisfied
with the existing mechanisms are likely to favor a change. They dislike how democracy
in general and institutions of democracy in particular function and thus strive for a politi-
cal transformation by involving the citizens in the decision-making process. Hibbing and
Theiss-Morse (2001, 2002) considered dissatisfaction with representative democracy as
the main rationale behind the citizens’ endorsement of direct democratic decision-mak-
ing. Further studies strengthened this idea and identified a positive correlation between
political dissatisfaction and preference for direct democratic decision-making (Bengtsson
and Mattila, 2009; Christensen, 2017; Dalton et al., 2001).
However, other studies show less clear-cut and more mixed findings about the relation-
ship between political dissatisfaction and preference for direct democratic decision-making
(Donovan and Karp, 2006). Citizens with preferences for referendums often had a strong
commitment for democracy, but little trust in institutions of representative democracy
(Geissel, 2011). Other works come even to opposing conclusions. For example, a compara-
tive study of 16 countries found that citizens with trust in institutions...
To continue reading
Request your trial