An Underdeveloped Peace Movement: The Case of France
| Date | 01 June 1986 |
| DOI | 10.1177/002234338602300207 |
| Published date | 01 June 1986 |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
An
Underdeveloped
Peace
Movement:
The
Case
of
France*
JACQUES
FONTANEL
Centre
for
the
Study
of
Defence
and
International
Security,
Grenoble.
Unlike
its
European
counterparts,
the
peace
movement
in
France
is
not
very
strong.
The
reasons
for
this
are
many:
The
Munich
Syndrome,
a
contempt
for
pacifism
confused
with
cowardice,
a
desire
for
na-
tional
independence
in
defence,
a
belief
in
the
global
role
of
France,
an
absence
of
genuine
defence
al-
ternatives
acceptable
to
the
majority
of
French,
the
role
played
by
the
Communist
party,
the
in-
capability
of
groups
favouring
disarmament
to
agree
among
themselves
on
a
minimal
platform,
poor
re-
lations
between
trade
unions,
the
relative
weakness
of
religious
influence,
and
the
compromises
necessary
in
the
race
for
power.
It is
difficult
to
unravel
clearly
causes
from
consequences,
but
it
seems
that
dominant
factors
are
national
independence,
a
wish
to
avoid
conflicts
with
an
army
traumatized
by
decolonization
and
lost
wars,
internal
dissension
among
those
who
favour
disarmament,
and
the
ab-
sence
of
a
real
alternative
despite
the
scepticism
surrounding
the
question
of
effective
deterrence
stra-
tegy.
The
French
look
to
the
chief
of
state
for
their
defence.
However,
there
are
discordant
voices,
al-
though
these
do
not
express
themselves
in
pacifist
terms.
The
last
years
of
the
20th
century
will
be
marked
by
technological,
strategic
asnd
social
changes
which
will
redistribute
some
cards,
among
them
defence.
The
peace
movement
could
profit
by
these
uncertain
developments
for
its
reinforcement.
1.
Many
currents
of
pacifism
Even
if
the
peace
movement
is
very
much
alive
in
Western
Europe,
it
cannot
be
re-
garded
as
much
of
a
success
in
France.
How-
ever,
in
the
past
two
centuries,
many
cur-
rents
of
pacifism
have
been
nurtured
in
this
country.
A
liberal
pacifism,
built
upon
utilitarian-
ism
and
individualism,
has
always
been
very
powerful.
This
conceives
of
war
as
a
com-
pletely
irrational
action.
Jean
Baptiste
Say
(1817)
could
thus
write
that
’all
nations
are
friendly
because
of
the
nature
of
things,
and
the
governments
which
make
war
against
each
other
are
more
enemies
of
their
own
subjects
than
they
are
of
one
another’.
Peace,
in
this
liberal
pacifism,
is
regarded
as
an
intangible
law
of
human
nature.
The
lib-
eral
analysis
goes
beyond
conflicts
and
crim-
inalizes
war,
and
it
develops
a
suspicion
to-
wards
political
authorities.
Further,
the
gen-
eralization
of
market
economies,
the
disappearance
of
monopolies
and
industrial
growth
seem
to
provide
support
for
an
eternal
peace
(Fontanel
&
Smith
1984-85).
These
analyses,
from
the
beginning
of
the
l9th
century,
are
still
deeply
anchored
in
the
collective
memory
of
French
liberals.
How-
ever,
the
objective
conditions
for
peace
do
not
seem
to
have
been
fulfilled,
since
sup-
posedly
socialist
societies
have
appeared
which
are
oppressive,
anti-individualistic
and
imperialistic.
Under
such
conditions,
French
Liberal
thought
assumes
that
peace
will
not
be
able
to
reign
until
socialism
has
disappeared,
even
though
an
armed
peace-
ful
coexistence
may
hinder
the
development
of
contlicts.
For
the
socialist
movement,
the
working
class
represents
the
moral
and
material
pro-
gress
of
humaity.
Its
assumption
of
power
will
mean
a
simultaneous
emergence
of
so-
cial
justice,
economic
prosperity
and
an
end
to
the
antagonisms
between
people.
Peace
is
then
understood
as
the
result
of
the
political
struggle
developed
by
the
people
against
the
exploiters.
Jean
Jaures,
a
great
pacifist,
de-
clared :
The
conflicts
between
nations
emerge
from
deep
class
divisions
and
nationalistic
interests...
there
is
only
one
way
of
abolishing
war
between
peoples
and
that
is
to
abolish
war
between
individuals:
to
abolish
economic
war
which
is
the
disorder
of
contemporary
society.
It
is
necessary
to
substitute
the
universal
*Translation
by
Gloria
Mayra,
in
consultation
with
the
author.
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