Civilian resettlement patterns in civil war
| Published date | 01 January 2019 |
| Date | 01 January 2019 |
| DOI | 10.1177/0022343318820576 |
| Subject Matter | Research Articles |
Civilian resettlement patterns in civil war
Abbey Steele
Department of Political Science, University of Amsterdam
Abstract
This article proposes a descriptive typology of civilian resettlement patterns in civil wars. The patterns vary in two
dimensions: whether or not displaced civilians cluster together or resettle independently, and if they remain within
their home country or not. The combination of the factors leads to four resettlement patterns: expulsion, segregation,
integration, and dispersion. Expulsion and segregation occur when the displaced cluster, either within the home state
(segregation) or beyond it (expulsion). Integration and dispersion occur when the displaced do not cluster but seek to
blend in with other communities, either abroad (dispersion) or within core cities and towns in the state (integration).
After introducing the typology and illustrating it with examples, the article engages in theory-building to explain
variation in resettlement patterns. It argues that resettlement forms are based on the type of displacement that
civilians experience, and the perpetrator of the violence. The displacement type influences individuals’ best strategy
for achieving relative safety. Within and across wars, groups that experience political cleansing are likely to cluster
together for safety. The best destination options for the displaced to resettle depend on the perpetrator, which lead to
clustering either within a state if the actor is non-state, or outside the state if the actor is the state or an ally. The
argument is illustrated with examples. Finally, the article considers the implications of resettlement patterns for
violence, conflict, and state-building.
Keywords
civil wars, displacement, forced migration, resettlement
Introduction
On the eve of the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, humani-
tarian organizations anticipated thousands of refugees and
constructed camps along the Syrian border to receive
them (Margesson, Bruno & Sharp, 2009: 7). But after
the war started, something strange happened: hardly any-
one came. In fact, families who had been forcibly relo-
cated under SaddamHussein’s regime began seeking ways
to return to their original communities. Though there
were thousandsof refugees and internally displaced people
(IDPs), the next two years passed with a surprisingly low
level of displacement. Then Samarra’s shrine was bombed
in February 2006, and everything changed. Sectarian vio-
lence was viciousand displacement tripledwithin months.
But the displaced did not leave the country, as the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)
initially anticipated. Instead, nearly three-quarters
remained within Iraq. How can we understand these
changes over time? Why did the displaced remain in Iraq
rather than move to a refugee camp?
The existing literature gives us a partial answer: as
violence increases, so does displacement (e.g. Davenport,
Moore & Poe, 2003; Zolberg, Suhrke & Aguayo, 1989).
The second question, why the majority of the displaced
remained within Iraq, is a puzzle. The predominant
approach to resettlement draws on the ‘push-pull’ model
from migration studies,
1
and reaches the logical conclu-
sion that individuals and households will move to places
with better conditions than where they reside. Several
Corresponding author:
abbey.steele@uva.nl
1
In this article, resettlement refers to relocation by displaced people
to a new community for a relatively long period of time. It is distinct
from the resettlement of refugees in the humanitarian community,
which involves relocation to third-party countries who agree to accept
asylum seekers. In addition, it refers to ‘civilian-led’ resettlement, or
circumstances in which civilians choose where to move (Lichtenheld,
2018).
Journal of Peace Research
2019, Vol. 56(1) 28–41
ªThe Author(s) 2019
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DOI: 10.1177/0022343318820576
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