Crossing borders: Does it matter? Differences between (near-)domestic and cross-border sex traffickers, their victims and modus operandi

Published date01 November 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/14773708221092314
AuthorSuzanne L. J. Kragten-Heerdink,Steve G. A. van de Weijer,Frank M. Weerman
Date01 November 2023
Subject MatterArticles
Crossing borders: Does it
matter? Differences between
(near-)domestic and cross-
border sex traff‌ickers, their
victims and modus operandi
Suzanne L. J. Kragten-Heerdink
Dutch National Rapporteur on Traff‌icking in Human Beings and Sexual Violence against Children,
The Netherlands
Steve G. A. van de Weijer
Netherlands Institute for the Study of Crime and Law Enforcement (NSCR), The Netherlands
Frank M. Weerman
Netherlands Institute for the Study of Crime and Law Enforcement (NSCR), The Netherlands
Erasmus University Rotterdam, The Netherlands
Abstract
Hardly any research exists that empirically compares (near-)domestic and cross-border sex traf-
f‌icking. The few studies that do are based on relatively small samples and only represent US data.
This study substantially extends the scarce scientif‌ic knowledge about the differences between the
two types of sex traff‌icking, based on European data. Our sample consists of all 658 (near-)domes-
tic sex traff‌ickers and all 424 cross-border sex traff‌ickers, registered by the prosecution service in
20082017 who are brought to court in the Netherlands. We collected data on these traff‌ickers
from registers of the prosecution service, from a f‌ile analyses on the indictments/verdicts, and
from registers of Statistics Netherlands. These data provide insight into the characteristics of
the traff‌ickers, their victims and modus operandi. Our f‌indings show that signif‌icant differences
between the two types of sex traff‌icking exist, which is of great importance for better tailored
prevention and identif‌ication strategies. The most prominent f‌inding is that the threshold to
get involved in (near-)domestic sex traff‌icking is lower than for cross-border sex traff‌icking.
Corresponding author:
Suzanne L. J. Kragten-Heerdink, Dutch National Rapporteur on Traff‌icking in Human Beings and Sexual
Violence against Children, PO Box 20301, 2500 EH The Hague, the Netherlands.
Email: s.heerdink@nationaalrapporteur.nl
Article
European Journal of Criminology
2023, Vol. 20(6) 17611783
© The Author(s) 2022
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/14773708221092314
journals.sagepub.com/home/euc
(Near-)domestic sex traff‌ickers are, compared to cross-border sex traff‌ickers, younger (as are
their victims), they seldom need to migrate, they operate on a smaller scale (more one-to-one
and for a shorter period of time) and practically never in a criminal organization. Furthermore,
they use violent means of coercion to control their victims more frequently than cross-border
sex traff‌ickers, which can be interpreted as additional evidence for a less organized practice.
These f‌indings contribute to a more complete understanding of sex traff‌icking, in particular of
the traff‌ickers who were seldom the direct subject of research.
Keywords
domestic sex traff‌icking, cross-border sex traff‌icking, traff‌icker, victim, modus operandi, the
Netherlands
Introduction
Human traff‌icking for sexual exploitation (further: sex traff‌icking) is typically associated
with cross-border sex traff‌icking, in which victims are recruited in one country, and sub-
sequently transported to, and sexually exploited in, another country (usually a country
with a higher standard of living; Kragten-Heerdink et al., 2018). However, sex traff‌icking
also manifests itself more regionally in (near-)domestic sex traff‌icking,
1
in which victims
are recruited and exploited in the same or (an adjacent area of an easily accessible) neigh-
boring country (Kragten-Heerdink et al., 2018). In the Netherlands, (near-)domestic sex
traff‌icking is often referred to as the loverboy phenomenon, which became apparent in
the mid-1990s, but actually has always existed (Bovenkerk and Van San, 2011).
According to an estimation of the number of human traff‌icking victims in the
Netherlands (UNODC and National Rapporteur on Traff‌icking in Human Beings and
Sexual Violence against Children, 2017), (near-)domestic sex traff‌icking is the most
prevalent form of human traff‌icking in general, accounting for 46% of all victims:
almost 3000 a year. Cross-border sex traff‌icking accounts for roughly a f‌ifth (21%):
about 1300 victims a year. The remaining 33% are victims of traff‌icking for nonsexual
exploitation (mainly for labor, services or criminal activities).
To understand and address the phenomenon of human traff‌icking, it is important to
acknowledge and appreciate its multifaceted nature. For one, human traff‌icking can mani-
fest itself in different forms of exploitation (see e.g. Cockbain and Bowers, 2019).
However, the so-called route of traff‌icking (i.e. (near-)domestic versus cross-border traf-
f‌icking, see Kragten-Heerdink et al., 2018) might also be a relevant factor when it comes
to distinguishing different types of traff‌icking. For example, there are reasons to believe
that (near-)domestic sex traff‌icking involves a different type of traff‌icker, victim, and
modus operandi than cross-border sex traff‌icking. After all, the threshold for traff‌ickers
and victims to get involved into (near-)domestic sex traff‌icking is assumed to be lower
both on an organizational and psychological level than for cross-border sex traff‌ick-
ing, since no migration is necessary (Aronowitz et al., 2010; DiRienzo and Das, 2017;
Kragten-Heerdink et al., 2018). If there are meaningful differences, addressing these
two types of sex traff‌icking may require different strategies, which is of great importance
to combat these serious violations of human rights more effectively.
1762 European Journal of Criminology 20(6)

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