Entering the world of sex offenders: an exploration of offending behaviour patterns of those with both internet and contact sex offences against children
| Date | 06 May 2014 |
| Pages | 110-126 |
| Published date | 06 May 2014 |
| DOI | https://doi.org/10.1108/JFP-02-2013-0015 |
| Author | Deniz Aslan,Robert Edelmann,Diane Bray,Marcia Worrell |
| Subject Matter | Health & social care,Criminology & forensic psychology,Forensic practice |
Entering the world of sex offenders: an
exploration of offending behaviour patterns
of those with both internet and contact
sex offences against children
Deniz Aslan, Robert Edelmann, Diane Bray and Marcia Worrell
Dr Deniz Aslan is a Consultant
Psychologist and Lecturer,
based at Department of
Psychology, Roehampton
University, London, UK and
Langford Clinic,
East Sussex, UK.
Robert Edelmann is a
Professor of Forensic and
Clinical Psychology,
Dr Diane Bray is the Head of
Department and Dr Marcia
Worrell is a Principal Lecturer,
all are based at Department of
Psychology, Roehampton
University, London, UK.
Abstract
Purpose – The relationship between accessing indecent images online and the perpetration of contact
child sex offences remains unclear. The purpose of this paper is to provide a better understanding of the
offence process of offenders who have both such convictions.
Design/methodology/approach – A total of eight semi-structured interviews were conducted with older
adult males who had downloaded indecent images and also had a history of contact sex offences against
children. Data analysis involved thematic coding based on guidelines suggested by Braun and Clarke
(2006).
Findings – Themes which emerged suggest some similarities (offence process behaviours), but also some
differences (developmental factors) between the eight offenders. Data relevant to developmental factors
formed two primary themes: childhood attachment difficulties and experiences of childhood abuse, both of
which appeared to influence the offence process. Escalating factors generated a further three themes: adult
relationships, personality problems and substance use. Five main categories also emerged with regard to
offence behaviours: sexually deviant interests, lack of self-control, opportunity, the role of the internet
(availability, easy access and anonymity), and cognitive distortions (justifications: interest in challenge and
sexual frustration; denial: accidental access and denial of a victim, normalisation; blame: blame on the
victim, new technologies and authorities and blame on other factors; and minimisation).
Practical implications – A better understanding of the offence process would inform clinical practice with
such offenders and aid in the process of prevention.
Originality/value – This is the first research to date which explores the rationale provided for their
behaviour by those convicted of both internet and contact child sex offences.
Keywords Child sex offenders, Offence pathways, The role of internet
Paper type Research paper
1. Introduction
To date, there is limited research evaluating the offending patterns of sex offenders who have
convictions for both the possession of indecent images (internet offenders) and contact
offences against children. Research specifically addressing the key factors which might
influence the offence process of such offenders is practically non-existent. There are though a
number of theories, both with regard to general theories of crime and more specifically in
relation to sex offending, which seek to explain offence pathways.
Some of the most basic theories emphasise developmental factors or attachment difficulties.
There is though not a clear and straightforward association between the presence of specific
developmental factors and internet sex offences, with early childhood attachment difficulties
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and maltreatment only providing a partial explanation for sexually deviant behaviours of some,
but not all internet sex offenders (Sheldon and Howitt, 2007). However, developmental
trajectories or individual pathways may be forged by building blocks of behaviours and
experiences, which influence patterns of adult sex offending against children (Connolly, 2004).
General theories of crime provide a useful starting point when considering plausible explanations
for sex offending against children. Lack of self-control is assumed to be the broadest and most
important factor in the process of offending (Baumeister and Boden, 1998). This theory
describes those who commit sexual offences (like those who commit any other offence) as
versatile offenders who engage in many different types of crime and antisocial behaviours
(Gottfredson and Hirschi, 1990).
Developmental theories also provide a possible explanation of sexual offending. Age of onset
and persistence of delinquency are key features that determine severity and continuity of
antisocial behaviours and its association with psychosocial and individual problems both in
relation to general criminal behaviour and sexually motivated crime (Fergusson et al., 1996;
Jeglum-Bartusch et al., 1997). Such theories have been evaluated by examining how behaviour
patterns change in relation to the time of onset and type of offending behaviour, and the rate at
which offences are committed, linking different offence trajectories to different aetiological
factors (Moffitt, 1993; Patterson and Yoerger, 2002; Lahey and Waldman, 2003). While general
theories of crime and developmental theories offer some degree of insight neither are able to fully
explain multiple offences against children. General theories of crime provide a useful starting
point in explaining these offences but self-control appears to be a trait that exists along a
continuum; it can be directly modified and may not consistently predict sexual offending
behaviours. In support of a developmental theory of offending behaviour, studies describing
offence trajectories are of particular relevance when considering chronic offenders whose
criminal career often begins at an early age and persists into adulthood. Moffitt’s (1993) theory
appears to be applicable to offenders who have both internet and contact convictions. However,
this might only account for changes and continuities in terms of severity of offending (i.e.
escalation and de-escalation). Those sex offenders who commit internet-contact offences
against children may warrant a more specific explanatory framework.
Finkelhor (1984) provided the first multifactorial theory as to how individual psychological
characteristics and broader socialisation combine in order to facilitate child abuse. This theory
described four stages (motivation to sexually abuse; overcome internal inhibitors; overcome
external inhibitors and the resistance of the child) that precede sexual offending, and explains
some of the diverse characteristics among sex offenders. Although, the theory has strongly
influenced clinical work with sex offenders, there is conceptual overlap between stages, and its
applicability to internet-contact offenders remains unclear.It does not account for why, in certain
circumstances, non-sexual needs are expressed in a sexual way. For example, emotional
congruence where offenders turn to children because they are less threatening is very similar to
developmental blockage, where offenders unable to meet their need for intimacy with an adult
turn to children. There is also a similarity between disinhibition and overcoming inter nal
inhibitions. With regards to internet-contact offending, Finkelhor’s (1984) Precondition model
does not fully explain this. The first three stages could be related to internet offenders but the
question then becomes what motivates the offender to continue to stage 4 or in some instances
to stop before the final stage. For example, in viewing indecent images of children overcoming
the resistance of a child is not necessarily a pre-cursor to this offence.
Wolf (1989) and Eldridge’s (1998) cycle of sex offending was based on the assumption that
experiences of childhood maltreatment function as “potentiators” to the development of sexually
deviant behaviour by dissolving inhibitions which would usually prevent against sexual deviance.
However, while such models provide a useful framework around which to structure treatment,
in particular explaining how the offender becomes stuck in a negative cycle of offending, they are
too restrictive to fully describe the process of internet-contact offences.
Ward and Hudson’s (1998) self-regulation model expanded upon earlier models by arguing how
child sex offenders guide their own actions in different ways. Their four offence pathways
described the offenders’ approach towards the sexually deviant behaviour (avoidance or
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