Federal funding and the local political culture
| Author | Scott W Phillips,S Marlon Gayadeen |
| DOI | 10.1177/1461355714566779 |
| Published date | 01 March 2015 |
| Date | 01 March 2015 |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
Article
International Journal of
Police Science & Management
Federal funding and the local political
2015, Vol. 17(1) 23–31
ª The Author(s) 2015
culture: The decision to access COPS
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grants in a time of federalism
DOI: 10.1177/1461355714566779
psm.sagepub.com
Scott W Phillips
Criminal Justice Department, SUNY – Buffalo State, USA
S Marlon Gayadeen
SUNY – Buffalo State, USA
Abstract
This study explored the behavior of police administrators in the face of the pro-federalism environment of 2009. Using an
institutional theory framework, specifically coercive isomorphism, this research sought to determine if the local political
environment influences the behavior of local-level police administrators to access federal grants. Data were provided by
the Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) Office, supplemented with congressional records and public voting
results for the 2008 and 2012 presidential elections. When county-level presidential voting results are used to
operationalize the local environment, an equal number of Republican and Democrat police agencies received COPS
grants. Findings suggest that crime and economic interest trump political ideology.
Keywords
Coercive isomorphism, local political culture, federalism, COPS grants
Submitted 14 Jun 2014, accepted 08 Oct 2014
Introduction
access federal grant funding under the Community
Oriented Policing Services (COPS) program similarly to
A severe economic downturn began in 2007, which resulted
police agencies in Democratic areas. Furthermore, the
in public resistance toward the federal government of the
study seeks to understand the relationship between the local
USA. By 2009, the nationwide political atmosphere was
political culture and policing priorities (i.e., dealing with
entrenched with conservatism, populism, and federalism.
crime and disorder). Coercive isomorphism, which sug-
The federal government, it was argued by Republicans,
gests that organizations will respond to pressure from
should be smaller and the State and local jurisdictions should
the external environment (DiMaggio and Powell, 1983),
be independent of the power of the federal government. The
framed the study. This study fills a gap in understanding
Republican Party’s inherent disapproval for government tax-
how police agencies identify the factors that drive their
ing and spending found them arguing against programs that
decision-making. If policies are in the self-interest of the
would lead to greater debt (Farrell, 2010). Republicans
police and provide an overriding benefit to the agency,
believed, for example, that financial security for retirement
other factors may not interfere with policy implementation.
or medical insurance is primarily the responsibility of indi-
viduals, not the government (Dionne, 2012).
This study explores the behavior of police administra-
Corresponding author:
tors in the face of the new pro-federalism and anti-
Scott W Phillips, SUNY – Buffalo State, Criminal Justice Department, 1300
government political atmosphere. It seeks to determine
Elmwood Ave, Buffalo, NY 14222, USA.
whether police agencies that exist in Republican areas
Email: phillisw@buffalostate.edu
24
International Journal of Police Science & Management 17(1)
A review of the literature is first offered, followed by the
federal funds is political interest. That is, local politicians
theoretical framework that underlies this research. There-
and government administrators determine whether they
after, the methods section is provided, followed by the
should access the federal grant funding based on their eco-
conclusion.
nomic needs and government objectives. Interestingly,
local needs are framed within the local political culture
(DeLeon and Naff, 2004; Wilson, 1978), and may directly
Literature review
oppose the nationwide political atmosphere that promoted
a return to federalism.
Economic issues
The election of President Barack Obama in 2008 was dur-
National political atmosphere
ing a time of economic decline that began under the Bush
Administration. This economic downturn resulted in grow-
The financial unrest that began in 2007 became grounds for
ing public resistance toward the president and the behavior
accentuating political differences. For example, President
of the federal government (Harris, 2010; Langman, 2011;
Bush’s Trouble Asset Relief Program (TARP) authorized
Lundskow, 2012; Street and DiMaggio, 2012). The eco-
$700bn to aid banks and related institutions to pre-empt the
nomic problems led to a recession not seen since the Great
increasing concern of a downward economy. In the Senate,
Depression of the 1930s. The recession prompted increased
TARP passed with a bipartisan vote, even with most Repub-
unemployment, record home foreclosures, austerity bud-
lican members in the House voting against it. In February
gets at the local level, and cuts in social programs (Street
2009, President Obama signed into legislation the American
and DiMaggio, 2012).
Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA) of 2009, commonly
Financial institutions also suffered from the economic
known as the ‘stimulus package’ (Lundskow, 2011). This
downturn (Lundskow, 2012). Despite their financial losses,
bill, however, had almost no Republican support, with only
however, the bi-partisan support for banks and other fin-
two Republicans in the Senate voting for it.
ancial institutions, procured federal bailout funding under
Public awareness of the financial bailout plans may
the Bush Administration, in September 2008 (Lundskow,
explain why congressional bipartisanship was completely
2012). This federal bailout was seen as unjust by Americans,
absent during the Obama Administration’s attempt to pass
because these same organizations were perceived to have
the AARA. A second federal bailout plan may ‘have broken
been central to the country’s recession (Lundskow, 2012).
the proverbial camel’s back’ (Foley, 2011: 753). Unlike the
In early 2009, a CNN financial reporter argued that the
‘mass public’, which is often unaware of congressional
bailout of banks and financial institutions rewarded bad
spending bills (Stein and Bickers, 1994), the bailout legis-
behavior, causing further public resentment. This is often
lation for financial institutions under the Bush Administra-
noted as the seminal moment in the birth of the Tea Party
tion was well known to the general population (Etzioni,
(Langman, 2011). The Tea Party’s strong feelings on free-
2011), and was viewed by the public as inherently unjust
dom and other conservative thinking fit an inherent
(Lundskow, 2012). There was a depth of anger among a
Republican framework (Harris, 2010; Langman, 2011;
segment of the American population who felt ‘that the gov-
Lundskow, 2012; Street and DiMaggio, 2012). Thus,
ernment is captured by special interests and often serves
Republicans re-branded their party in ‘grassroots and
them rather than the public at large’ (Etzioni, 2011: 199).
populist clothing to take political advantage’ of the eco-
The Tea Party emerged as a political stance against the
nomic insecurity of the recession (Street and DiMaggio,
perceived unfairness of the financial bailout instituted by
2012: 556). This atmosphere of conservatism and federal-
President Bush (Dionne, 2012), and the economic stimulus
ism was carried over into 2010, when the Democratic
policy from President Obama (Gamkhar and Pickerill,
incumbents in the House of Representatives were defeated
2011; Langman, 2011; Lundskow, 2011). With shared
in the mid-term elections (Etzioni, 2011).
Republican disapproval on government bailout, in particu-
The economic problems that emerged in 2007 were felt
lar the ARRA, the Tea Party argued that the packages were
across the USA. This financial crisis had ripple effects on
not good for America.
local government, including policing. A number of law
An integral component of the Republican Party and Tea
enforcement agencies had to lay off or furlough officers,
Party is the belief in federalism. There is particular interest
in order to maintain organizational survival (COPS,
in small-government fiscal conservatism (Gamkhar &
2011). In an effort to offset the economic problems of
Pickerill, 2011), and a call to re-establish limits on federal
police agencies, the Office of Community Oriented Poli-
power to ‘maximize individual liberty’ (Foley, 2011: 752).
cing Services (COPS Office) was authorized to spend
The focus on ‘individualism’ is a break from ‘collectivism’
roughly $1bn, under the American Recovery and Reinvest-
and centers on the inherent belief that dependence on
ment Act (ARRA) of 2009. Central to accessing these
government is not freedom. Dionne (2012) reported Tea
Phillips and Gayadeen
25
Partiers harken back to an American ideal, claiming ‘a
Theory
direct lineage to Jeffersonian notions that only small gov-
ernment is compatible with liberty’. (p. 50). Overall, the
The institutionalization of isomorphism
formation of the Tea Party intended to preserve the Consti-
In organizational studies, ‘isomorphism’ is defined as the
tutional principle of federalism (Foley, 2011).
‘constraining process that forces one unit in a population
Federalism, and the vision of a smaller and less intrusive
to resemble other units that face the same set of environ-
government, has been a long-standing mantra for the Repub-
ment conditions’ (DiMaggio and Powell, 1983: 149). In
lican base (Gamkhar & Pickerill, 2011). Saliently capturing
...
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