France’s déclassement in the Eurozone
| DOI | 10.1177/0020702019896299 |
| Published date | 01 December 2019 |
| Date | 01 December 2019 |
| Subject Matter | Scholarly Essay |
Scholarly Essay
France’s de
´classement in
the Eurozone
Philip Giurlando
Department of Political Studies, Trent University, Peterborough,
Ontario, Canada
Abstract
In France, the adoption of the euro was partly motivated by the desire for equality with
Germany, but asymmetry has increased in terms of economic prowess and international
status, leading to a sense of de
´classement. This paper identifies links between France’s
status reduction, a consequent feeling of humiliation, and the foreign policy positions
associated with that collective emotion. Evidence of France’s de
´classement includes
macroeconomic trends, semi-structured interviews with a sample of elites, the second-
ary literature, and the domestic political disputes that have emerged as a result of this
reduction of national status. The paper also systematically compares France to Italy, as
in many ways it is similar to that country, but with one key difference:the political forces
which have been loudest about Italy’s humiliation vis-a
`-vis Germany obtained power and
governed from May 2018 to August 2019. Their orientations and positions provide a
peek into the kinds of international political decisions associated with both de
´classement
and humiliation, and provide further evidence on the links between status reduction,
group-level emotion, and inter-group behaviour.
Keywords
France, de
´classement, status hierarchy, Eurozone, Italy
Introduction
In France, the adoption of the euro was more than just letting go of an old currency
and accepting a new one. It included the aspiration of equality which lies at the
heart of the European project.
1
Equality in relation to Europe has multiple mean-
ings in political discourse, in France and elsewhere on the continent; it often means
economic convergence towards the German model in terms of competitiveness,
International Journal
2019, Vol. 74(4) 559–580
!The Author(s) 2019
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DOI: 10.1177/0020702019896299
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Corresponding author:
Philip Giurlando, Department of Political Studies, Trent University, 1600 West Bank Avenue, Peterborough,
Ontario, K9J 7B8, Canada.
Email: philipgiurlando@trentu.ca
1. Benard Bruneteau, Combattre L’Europe (Paris: CNRS, 2018).
productivity, and employment,
2
and even culture. But equality also has an inter-
state dimension. Although rarely publicly admitted by political officials, in France
there was a desire for equality with Germany.
3
For France, both versions of equal-
ity, at least in the Eurozone, have not been met. Below it will be shown that
asymmetry has increased in terms of economic prowess and international status
in relation to Germany, leading to a sense of de
´classement.
Scholars attempting to explain Europe’s inter-state hierarchy have often relied
on various iterations of the concept of hegemony, such as hegemonic stability
theory (HST), and the cooperative hegemony model. The concept of hegemony,
unlike the concept of status, depends on the social contract assumption that sub-
ordinate states accept the hegemon’s leadership. Below it will be shown that this
consent-based understanding of hierarchy is inconsistent with the unequal relation-
ship between Germany and France, and that a status-based account better explains
both the constitution of the hierarchy and the behavioural propensities observed in
France. Following the presentation of data illustrating France’s decline is an ana-
lysis of the ways in which France’s status reduction is clashing with elements of the
country’s identity, such as its status of being a great power, and the Gaullist
emphasis on the primary importance of rank and autonomy. This clash has led
to resistance, which is particularly visible among sovereigntist groups who enjoy
the support of almost half the country. The paper also identifies links between
France’s status decline and collective emotions such as humiliation, and to accom-
plish this task it relies on social identity theory (SIT), which shows how shifts in
group status impact elements of group identity, including emotions. France will be
the focus of this paper, but it will also be systematically compared to Italy, as in
many ways it is similar to that country, but with one key difference: in Italy, the
political forces which have been loudest about Italy’s humiliation vis-a
`-vis
Germany obtained power and governed between May 2018 and August 2019.
Their orientations and positions provide a peek into the kinds of international
political decisions associated with both de
´classement and humiliation, and provide
further evidence on the links between status reduction and group-level emotion.
Italy is a relevant comparison for other reasons. It was the first Western
European country with a fully sovereigntist government, and one where left-wing
and right-wing sovereigntists governed together in a coalition. Their major oppon-
ents were centrist, or Europeanist, parties with very different views on how to deal
with the problem of German power. As will be shown below, this cleavage between
sovereigntists and Europeanists is an important aspect of French and Italian pol-
itical life. Another key similarity is that both France and Italy have experienced
economic declines compared to Germany since adopting the euro. In both, sover-
eigntists are reacting similarly, asserting that the euro is a humiliating instance of
German domination, and that conflictual policies are necessary to address the
2. Patrick Artus and Marie-Paule Virard, Euro: Par Ici La Sortie? (Paris: Fayard, 2017).
3. Derek Beach and Colette Mazzucelli, Leadership in the Big Bangs of European Integration (London:
Palgrave, 2007); Jacques Pierre Gougeon, France-Allemagne: Un Union Menace
´e? (Paris: Armand-
Colin, 2012).
560 International Journal 74(4)
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