From the Cradle to the Grave: Politics, Families and Inheritance Law
Date | 01 September 2008 |
Pages | 391-417 |
Author | Dot Reid |
Published date | 01 September 2008 |
DOI | 10.3366/E1364980908000632 |
Property is political. The extent to which a society restricts or encourages freedom of ownership and the accumulation of wealth reflects the values of that society, whether they spring from a Marxist ideology at one end of the political spectrum or from a commitment to liberal individualism and the operation of a free market at the other.
This is not to overlook the influence of religious belief in the formation of cultural values, but the focus of this article is on the political ideology prevalent in western secular democracies.
Property ownership is the foundation stone of a capitalist economyC B MacPherson, “Property as means or end”, in A Parel and T Glanagan (eds),
The extent to which the law should interfere with individual choice in relation to family behaviour is an issue which elicits a range of views across the political spectrum, closely related to preference for “big” or “small” government and sympathy (or lack of it) for a degree of social engineering. Modern British governments tread warily in this territory, reluctant to create controversy or to risk accusations of being a “nanny” state. But none has completely eschewed policy initiatives which affect the institution of the family.
Inheritance straddles these core institutions of property and family, for it involves the transfer of wealth between family members. Whatever legal framework is adopted to govern inheritance involves political choices. First, and on the assumption that ownership includes the freedom to dispose of property as we wish in life or in death,
This appears to be the basis on which the law currently operates. This article does not seek to contribute to the wider debate about the morality of inherited wealth and its potential for widening the inequality gap. The starting point is an assumption that inheritance as a concept is unlikely to be challenged and that future debate will focus on reduction of the tax burden on inherited wealth: see A Mumford, “Inheritance in socio-political content: the case for reviving the sociological discourse of inheritance tax law” (2007) J Law & Soc 567.
a position has to be adopted on the extent to which the state will limit that freedom. Secondly, because creating inheritance rules involves conceptualising family life, choices must be made about the merits of particular forms of “family” and of particular relationships within that family. The law selects winners and losers on the basis of those political choices. The Scottish Law Commission's recent discussion paper onDiscussion Paper on
This article does not claim to provide a solution to the complexities of creating a satisfactory set of rules to govern inheritance. Rather it seeks to evaluate the reform proposals in terms of the Scottish Law Commission's own stated objectives of creating “a fair and rational system that adequately reflects majority views”.
DP para 2.2.
Those views will be examined in the light of recent research studies and of wider policy implications. And on a more profound level, the underlying ideology of the discussion paper will be explored in order to assess whether the proposals represent an appropriate inheritance model for Scots law in the twenty-first centuryThe discussion paper reviews two important aspects of succession law: the default rules governing intestacy and the regime of “legal rights”,
The umbrella term “legal rights” includes the legitim of children and the
With the introduction of (same-sex) civil partnerships by the Civil Partnership Act 2004, the positions of a surviving spouse and a surviving civil partner are equalised in succession law. See 2004 Act s 131. To avoid repetition, “spouse” is used in this article to include both a spouse and a civil partner.
In this article the term “children” is used to denote the wider concept of issue, i.e. children or their descendants, for a predeceasing child can be represented by her descendants for most purposes in intestate succession (Succession (Scotland) Act 1964 s 11).
The current rules of intestacy need reform, according to the discussion paper, because they “sometimes fail to provide a fair result”.
DP para 1.8.
One example of unfairness is that where a deceased leaves behind a spouse but no children, the deceased's parents and siblings could in some cases inherit a “substantial proportion”. In those circumstances, the proposal is to give the whole estate to the spouse – one of the less controversial measures in the discussion paper. Matters are more complex and “difficult”DP para 2.27.
DP para 2.28.
DP para 2.38.
On the most recent statistics, only 2% of intestate estates are worth more than £300,000, the proposed threshold at which children will be able to make a claim on an intestate estate: see D.(4)(a) below.
In relation to legal rights, the Scottish Law Commission's reasoning is more explicit, in acknowledgement of the radical nature of its proposals. A new concept of “legal shares” is proposed, whereby spouses can claim 25% of what they would be entitled to on intestacy if they are not (or not generously enough) provided for in the deceased's will.
25% of the value of an estate up to a £300,000 limit, plus a further one-eighth share of any balance.
For the deceased's children the proposal is to remove the right of legitim currently available to all children and to replace it, for dependent children only, with a new discretionary claim.See H Hiram, “Reforming succession law: legal rights” (2008) 12 EdinLR 81.
Hiram (n 15) at 85-86.
DP para 3.39.
DP para 3.34.
To mirror a cohabitant's discretionary claim on intestacy, for which see Family Law (Scotland) Act 2006 s 29.
I.e. children whom the deceased had an obligation to aliment: DP para 3.80.
DP para 3.81.
Hiram (n 15) at 84.
DP para 3.92.
The removal of legitim is likely to prove the most controversial proposal in the discussion paper. Indeed in view of the public support for protecting children from disinheritance, discussed below,
See C.(4) below.
and the fact that Scotland, together with most other European jurisdictions, has a long tradition of doing so, it is not clear why the Commission regards this as a “difficult and controversial”DP paras 1.3, 1.10, 3.78.
Report on
This second attempt to convince is more robust. A range of philosophical arguments is marshalled to support the exclusion of adult children. I make no apology for quoting these arguments in detail, for they illuminate the way in which families are conceptualised and, more importantly, they reveal the ideology underlying the proposals.
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