A Global Security Triangle: European, African and Asian Interaction
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/j.1758-5899.2011.00084_3.x |
| Published date | 01 May 2011 |
| Date | 01 May 2011 |
| Author | Robert Kissack |
are (a) more complicated than for other weapons
because conventional arms are internationally accepted
as legitimate instruments for national self-defence (with
a limited number of exceptions – e.g. landmines) and
(b) underdeveloped. Although all major suppliers have
national systems for controlling arms exports, they apply
them differently with regards to assessments of risks of
diversion or ‘misuse’. However, it would perhaps be
more pertinent to stress that with the exception of UN
arms embargoes – which are neglected by the authors
in their overview of UN instruments – there is no univer-
sal agreement on the circumstances under which con-
ventional arms should not be transferred. A challenge
for the UN conference on an ATT will be to address the
fourth conclusion, that ‘in many cases national security
interests trump human security concerns’ (p. 4).
Although the need to address the demand side of unre-
strained arms transfers is regarded as important, limited
attention is paid to procurement practices by importers.
The third conclusion is that the international arms
trade is profitable, with the legal trade worth an esti-
mated $60 billion in 2007. Yet there is little discussion of
the fact that due to the large sums of money involved
in arms deals, coupled with high levels of secrecy, the
arms trade is regarded as one of the most corrupt activi-
ties in the world. Corruption is only discussed briefly
with regard to a scandal involving a deal between the
UK and Saudi Arabia (pp. 65–66) and in relation to illicit
arms deals.
The International Arms Trade provides a useful intro-
duction to the international arms trade and armed
violence, but inadequately addresses several important
topics. Further, some of the information provided, relat-
ing to particular deals including a French deal with Libya
on the first page, and on international discussions on
arms transfer controls, is out of date (e.g. the EU Code
of Conduct in the appendix was replaced in December
2008 by Council Common Position 2008 ⁄944 ⁄CFSP). A
notable error is the assertion that China is among the
five largest arms exporters in the world (p. 3).
Paul Holtom
Paul Holtom is the Director of the Arms Transfers pro-
gramme at the Stockholm International Peace Research
Institute (SIPRI).
A Global Security Triangle: European, African and
Asian Interaction by Valeria Bello and Belachew
Gebrewold (eds). London: Routledge, 2010. 288 pp.,
£80.00 hardcover, 9780415496575
This edited volume consists of 14 chapters analysing
interaction between the European Union, Africa and Asia
across development policy, foreign and security policy
and strategic framework partnerships. All chapters focus
on the EU as an actor, making this project a triangula-
tion exercise to pinpoint the EU’s role in a rapidly global-
ising world. Contrary to the literature detailing the EU’s
capacity to shape the normative and institutional design
of post-cold war international society, the major claim of
the book is that ‘rather than proposing its values to oth-
ers, the EU is trying to defend them from the dislocating
effect of globalisation on production and the conse-
quent loss of employment in societies and countries
with a responsible approach to environmental and social
rights’ (p. 4). More broadly, the book explores how the
pressures of globalisation compromise the ability of the
EU to promote the norms and values embedded in its
foreign policy, especially human rights and democracy
promotion. The clearest example of this is the alternative
development strategy offered by China (especially in
Africa) which is free from the political conditionality
attached by the EU and other western donors. This is
one of many intersections between Europe, Africa and
Asia highlighting the potential incompatibility of the EU
retaining its influence while maintaining its values.
Considerable attention is paid to interregional rela-
tions between the EU and the African Union and the EU
and ASEAN. The authors conclude that while the EU is
highly regarded as a model of successful integration,
there are other important considerations. Murray con-
trasts the similar regional security dilemmas faced in Asia
and Europe to the different levels of integration sought;
Bello explores how perceptions of the EU vary between
Africa and Asia; and Farrell demonstrates how proximity
to the EU influences its capacity to promote regional
integration. Complementing this are case studies on mili-
tary intervention in the DR Congo, democracy promotion
in Ethiopia, the Middle East peace process, Iran and
nuclear nonproliferation, and Russian energy supplies.
China and India are given considerable attention in their
own right, both in dedicated chapters and cross-cutting
throughout the book, reiterating their status as rising
powers challenging the EU’s particular ‘interpretation of
the liberal agenda’ (p. 58).
The contributors deserve praise for their efforts to chart
the engagement of the EU with Africa and Asia, and each
chapter provides the reader with an accessible entry
point into more specialised literature, be they a scholar
or a practitioner. However, anyone primarily concerned
with global security will notice the lack of a clearly articu-
lated definition applied consistently throughout. The
ones used range from mainstream IR definitions rooted
in global strategy through to human rights protection
and democracy promotion tied to the human security
agenda. Consequently, this edited volume will appeal to,
and is most likely to satisfy, readers interested in EU for-
eign policy in Africa and Asia. By contrast, the concept of
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ª2011 London School of Economics and Political Science and John Wiley & Sons Ltd. Global Policy (2011) 2:2
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