House, bells and bliss? A longitudinal analysis of conventional aspirations and the process of desistance
| Author | Jennifer Doekhie,Esther Van Ginneken |
| Published date | 01 November 2020 |
| Date | 01 November 2020 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/1477370818819702 |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
https://doi.org/10.1177/1477370818819702
European Journal of Criminology
2020, Vol. 17(6) 744 –763
© The Author(s) 2019
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DOI: 10.1177/1477370818819702
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House, bells and bliss?
A longitudinal analysis of
conventional aspirations and
the process of desistance
Jennifer Doekhie and Esther Van Ginneken
Leiden University, The Netherlands
Abstract
Various studies have pointed to identity change and cognitive transformation as important
predictors of desistance. Yet, even persistent offenders have conventional aspirations, which include
a job, a house and a family. This article examines the development of conventional aspirations of
23 Dutch (ex-)prisoners using qualitative longitudinal data. Findings show no association between
conventional aspirations and desistance as both desisters and persisters expressed conventional
goals (‘house, bells and bliss’). A lack of substance and detailed scripts to flesh out the essence of
the desired conventional roles meant it could be difficult to turn vague ideals into concrete action
pathways. Finally, conventional aspirations and criminal lifestyles were not mutually exclusive; some
of the persistent offenders used criminal pathways to fulfil conventional roles.
Keywords
Agency, desistance, identity, imprisonment, re-entry
Various theories of desistance hold that moving away from crime is triggered (or at least
accompanied) by changes in identity to a prosocial and conventional self (Giordano,
Cernkovich and Rudolph, 2002; Maruna, 2001; Paternoster and Bushway, 2009). Attempts
to fulfil a conventional life are thought to involve changes in routines and social network,
and a greater stake in conformity, which have been offered as explanations of why indi-
viduals stop or reduce their offending (Farrall, 2002; Laub and Sampson, 2003).
Nevertheless, persistent offenders also hold conventional aspirations, identities and values
similar to those of desisting offenders (Liem and Richardson, 2014; Shapland and Bottoms,
2011). This article examines in detail the nature and development of such conventional
Corresponding author:
Jennifer Doekhie, Institute of Criminal Law & Criminology, Leiden University, Steenschuur 25, Leiden 2311
ES, The Netherlands.
Email: j.v.o.r.doekhie@law.leidenuniv.nl
819702EUC0010.1177/1477370818819702European Journal of CriminologyDoekhie and Van Ginneken
research-article2019l
Article
Doekhie and Van Ginneken 745
aspirations and how these aspirations relate to self-reported criminal behaviour in a sample
of Dutch men who made the transition from prison into society. We show that it is neces-
sary to delve below the surface of ‘catch-phrase’ conventional aspirations to understand
how they are related to desistance and persistence.
Aspirations can be understood as a future-oriented dimension of a person’s identity. The
meaning given to different aspects of the self (the current and future self), or self-identity, is
fluid and can be reconstructed through both social interactions (Becker, 1964; Felson, 1985)
and various roles a person (aspires to) fulfil(s) in society (for example, parent, employee or
partner). The dissonance arising from conflicting perceptions of the (future) self motivates
human action, which allows individuals to shape their lives into a certain direction (Festinger,
1962). In other words, people tend to behave in a way that is consistent with how they view
themselves and, if the perceptions of their present and future (desired) identity are inconsist-
ent, they act to reduce the inconsistency. The notion of a cognitive script or ‘role rule pre-
scriptions’ can be useful for understanding and explaining behaviour (Abelson, 1976; Harré
and Secord, 1972). For example, in order to make a valid claim on a conventional identity
such as a parent, an individual must have access to a script that comprises behavioural rou-
tines on how the global role of a parent must be ‘performed’ in situations and interactions
with others. From the above, we may deduce that changes in (offending) behaviour could
result from changes in a person’s aspirations and, more generally, their identity.
Identity and desistance
Desistance appears to be a complex process of moving away from offending, which is
related not only to criminal behaviour but also to social, situational and existential factors,
including a person’s identity (Maruna, 2001; Nugent and Schinkel, 2016). Identity theories
of desistance centre around the idea that long-term desistance requires a ‘fundamental and
intentional shift in a person’s sense of self’ (Maruna, 2001: 17). Giordano et al. (2002)
argued that an openness to change necessarily precedes desistance, but that identity trans-
formation is further realised through exposure to ‘hooks for change’ (2002: 1000), such as
family, employment, prison and treatment, which creates the opportunity to fashion a
replacement self. Thus, according to this theory, identity change occurs as a result of
changes in social bonds and conventional roles. In contrast, in the Identity Theory of
Desistance (Paternoster and Bushway, 2009) the direction is reversed: identity change pre-
cedes socio-structural changes. According to this theory, moving to a positive possible self
(that is, a conventional, non-offending identity) is motivated by the deterrent image of a
feared self (that is, the envisaged future if a person persisted in offending), which leads to
a rejection of a criminal lifestyle early on in the desistance process. The dual contribution
of these positive and negative future self-images initiates the desistance process and
increases the likelihood that people will encounter and grab on to hooks for change.
The aspect of a ‘conventional’ or ‘prosocial’ self is key in these theories. Maruna (2001)
concluded that individuals in the process of desisting from crime adopted more conven-
tional identities, such as a family man or a good parent, than the active offenders. Giordano
et al. (2002: 1001) even noted that a conventional identity would be ‘fundamentally incom-
patible with continued deviation’. A person’s identity may be comprised of how one cur-
rently views oneself (‘actual self’), as well as one’s ‘ought self’, which represents a person’s
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