I: Political Science: Method and Theory Science Politique: MÉThodes et Théories
| Published date | 01 June 2018 |
| DOI | 10.1177/002083451806800301 |
| Date | 01 June 2018 |
| Subject Matter | Article |
317
I
POLITICAL SCIENCE : METHOD AND THEORY
SCIENCE POLITIQUE : MÉTHODES ET THÉORIES
68.3105 ABB, Pascal — What drives interstate balancing? Estima-
tions of domestic and systemic factors. International Poli-
tics 55(2), 2018 : 279-296.
This paper reviews contending realist assumptions about domestic and
systemic impulses for balancing behavior, derives a set of corresponding
hypotheses for state actions and submits them to a statistical large-n
analysis for testing. A total of 18 highly conflict-prone dyads of states are
observed over lengthy periods of time in order to gather data for a re-
gression analysis of the effects of different impulses on both the external
and internal balancing behavior of the weaker states. In accordance with
the results, it is argued that domestic (or unit-level) factors are highly
important in explaining the scope of balancing and often exert a stronger
influence than do power gaps between states. [R]
68.3106 ABRAJANO, Marisa A. ; ELMENDORF, Christopher S. ;
QUINN, Kevin M. — Labels vs. pictures: treatment-mode
effects in experiments about discrimination. Political
Analysis 26(1), Jan. 2018 : 20-33.
Does treatment mode matter in studies of the effects of candidate race or
ethnicity on voting decisions? The assumption implicit in most such work
is that such treatment mode differences are either small and/or theoreti-
cally well understood, so that the choice of how to signal the race of a
candidate is largely one of convenience. But this assumption remains
untested. Using a nationally representative sample of white voting-age
citizens and a modified conjoint design, we evaluate whether signaling
candidate ethnicity with ethnic labels and names results in different
effects than signaling candidate ethnicity with ethnically identifiable
photos and names. Our results provide strong evidence that treatment-
mode effects are substantively large and statistically significant. [R, abr.]
68.3107 ADAM, Antonis ; TSARSITALIDOU, Sofia — Do democra-
cies have higher current account deficits? Constitutional
Political Economy 29(1), 2018 : 40-68.
We argue that democracies tend to run (larger) current account deficits
than autocracies. Our argument is based on the different incentives
faced by democratic and autocratic leaders. The main theoretical hy-
pothesis is tested on a dataset of 121 countries over the period 1980-
2012, using 5 year averages and a fixed effects panel data model.
Special focus is given on the issue of endogeneity by estimating an IV
Fixed Effects model. Relying on the idea of the regional waves of democ-
ratization and the special role of the Christian Church on the third w ave
of democratization, we use as instruments of Democracy the level of
democracy in neighboring countries and also the share of Christian
adherents in each country. Both instruments turn out to be valid determi-
nants of democracy. [R, abr.]
68.3108 AHLQUIST, John S. — List experiment design, non-
strategic respondent error, and item count technique es-
timators. Political Analysis 26(1), Jan. 2018 : 34-53.
The item count technique (ICT-MLE) regression model for survey list
experiments depends on assumptions about responses at the extremes
(choosing no or all items on the list). Existing list experiment best prac-
tices aim to minimize strategic misrepresentation in ways that virtually
guarantee that a tiny number of respondents appear in the extrema.
Under such conditions both the “no liars” identification assumption and
the computational strategy used to estimate the ICT-MLE become
difficult to sustain. I report the results of Monte Carlo experiments exam-
ining the sensitivity of the ICT-MLE and simple difference-in-means
estimators to survey design choices and small amounts of non-strategic
respondent error. I show that, compared to the difference in means, the
performance of the ICT-MLE depends on list design. Both estimators are
sensitive to measurement error, but the problems are more severe for
the ICT-MLE as a direct consequence of the no liars assumption. [R,
abr.]
68.3109 ALEMÁN, José ; WOODS, Dwayne — A comparative
analysis of inequality and redistribution in democracies.
International Studies Quarterly 62(1), March 2018 : 171-181.
What is the relationship between income inequality and redistributive
policies? This question carries with it important implications for both
scholars of comparative politics and for core political dynamics in con-
temporary world politics. We contend that the current literature fails to
provide satisfactory answers. It generally does not acknowledge hetero-
geneity in the relationship between inequality and redistributive policies
across space and time, nor does it use cross-nationally comparable data
on government redistribution and income. In this note, we compare the
relationship between inequality and redistribution over time, as well as
among clusters of developed and less developed countries. We use a
number of statistical models to address the complexity of the relation-
ship. We find a positive, short-term association between inequality and
redistribution, controlling for endogeneity between redistribution and
market income inequality. [R, abr.]
68.3110 ALTMAN, Dan — Advancing without attacking: the stra-
tegic game around the use of force. Security Studies 27(1),
Jan.-March 2018 : 58-88.
What is the nature of the strategic game that states play during crises?
Extensive research examines the leading answer: coercive bargaining.
States prevail by signaling resolve, establishing the credibility of their
threats, and coercing their adversaries into backing down. However,
instead of (or in addition to) traditional coercive bargaining, this article
shows that states frequently play out a different game with its own set of
rules and tactics. The article explores how states outmaneuver their
adversaries: working around their red lines, taking gains by fait accompli
and imposing pressure where it is possible to do so without quite cross-
ing the line of unambiguously using force. Based on this premise, the
article develops a theoretical framework for understanding strategic
interaction during crises, referred to as advancing without attacking. [R,
abr.]
68.3111 ANDERSON, Tim — Human development strategy in
small states. World Review of Political Economy 8(3), Fall
2017 : 349-364.
What are the human development opportunities and challenges for small
states in a multi-polar world? An answer to this question must consider
human development strategies at large, the constraints imposed by
neoliberal globalism and better practice in recent times. Small states
have particular vulnerabilities but may also benefit from realignments
within new regional blocs. There are already a num ber of relevant and
important “post Washington Consensus” themes and lessons from the
Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS), Community of
Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) and Bolivarian Alliance
for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) groupings. This article considers
the strategic opportunities and challenges for small states within the new
forms of integration presented by an emerging multi-polar world with its
new regional blocs. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.3234]
68.3112 ARIELY, Gal — Evaluations of patriotism across coun-
tries, groups, and policy domains. Journal of Ethnic and
Migration Studies 44(3-4), 2018 : 462-481.
Numerous studies have examined the level of patriotism across coun-
tries, the factors that shape patriotic feelings, and the ways in which
diverse dimensions of patriotism are related to a broad set of attitudes
and behaviors. Citizen evaluation of patriotism, in particular in the con-
text of majorities and minorities, has seldom been investigated, however.
Exploring this issue, this paper discusses the ways in which majorities
and minorities view the consequences of patriotism and whether their
attitudes are affected by inclusive state policies. [R, abr.]
68.3113 ASAL, Victor, et al. — Killing the messenger: regime type
as a determinant of journalist killing, 1992-2008. Foreign
Policy Analysis 14(1), Jan. 2018 : 24-43.
What countries are most dangerous for journalists? Both conventional
wisdom and extant literature on political violence, democracy, and
reporter fatalities suggest that more democratic systems should make
journalists safer. However, we argue that a more democratic context
makes it easier for journalists to pursue stories that put them at risk and
that they are thus more likely to be killed by actors trying to avoid the
spotlight and exposure. Conversely, autocratic regimes provide fewer
opportunities to pursue dangerous leads, thereby reducing the chance of
being killed. Using novel cross-national data on the number of journalist
killings between 1992 and 2008, we find that these arguments are
generally supported when controlling for other factors that affect the
killing of journalists, such as poor governance and political conflict. [R]
68.3114 ÅSE, Cecilia ; WENDT, Maria — Gendering the new hero
narratives: military death in Denmark and Sweden. Coop-
eration and Conflict 53(1), March 2018 : 23-41.
Political science : method and theory
318
During the 20th century, wars were fought primarily in the name of
protecting the homeland. Making the ‘ultimate sacrifice’ was a national
masculine duty and a key feature of military heroism. Today, human
rights and international values justify war-making and legitimise military
action. In one of these post-national wars, the International Security
Assistance Force operation in Afghanistan, more than 700 European
soldiers have lost their lives. How have these deaths been legitimised,
and how has the new security discourse affected notions of masculinised
heroism and sacrifice? This article investigates how the dimensions of
national/international and masculinity/femininity are negotiated in media
narratives of heroism and sacrifice in Denmark and Sweden. The empiri-
cal analysis demonstrates that the Danish/Swedish nation remains
posited as the core context for military heroism and sacrifice. [R, abr.]
68.3115 AVDAN, Nazli ; UZONYI, Gary — V for Vendetta: govern-
ment mass killing and domestic terrorism. Studies in Con-
flict and Terrorism 40(11), Nov. 2017 : 934-965.
Scholarship explores the impact of human rights abuse and state repres-
sion on terrorism. Heretofore, scholarship has ignored the impact of
government-sponsored killings on domestic terrorism. This article pro-
poses that mass killings create a focal point for terrorist mobilization. The
vendetta agenda fuels violence by animating retributory violence. Addi-
tionally, mass atrocities create a permissive environment for violent non-
state activity. A spiral of violence ensues whereby groups resort to
terrorism. Utilizing data from the Global Terrorism Database, 1971-2011,
the study shows that mass killings significantly increase domestic terror-
ism. It contributes to emerging scholarship examining how state policies
influence terrorist activity. [R]
68.3116 AVEY, Paul C. — The historical rarity of foreign-deployed
nuclear weapons crises. Security Studies 27(1), Jan.-March
2018 : 89-119.
What are the strategic costs of foreign-deployed nuclear weapons? Thus
far, scholars have focused primarily on the possible benefits: deterring
adversaries and reassuring allies. There is little scholarship on the costs
side of the cost-benefit equation. This article evaluates one potential
cost: that deployments generate crises. I argue that such deployments
have, historically, rarely resulted in crises because few deployments
generate the level of threat necessary for the target of the deployment to
forcefully act. Crises a re likely only in the rare situations when the de-
ployment is to an area that the rival views as vital and the deployment
threatens to embolden the deploying or host state. I examine all foreign
nuclear deployments to support these claims. [R, abr.]
68.3117 AZMANOVA, Albena — Relational, structural and system-
ic forms of power: the "right to justification" confronting
three types of domination. Journal of Political Power 11(1),
2018 : 68-78.
This article investigates the nature of intellectual critique and social
criticism R. Forst’s critical theory of justification enables. I introduce a
taxonomy of three forms of power — namely, ‘relational’, ‘structural’ and
‘systemic’ — and related to them types of domination, and assess the
capacity of Forst’s conceptual framework to address each of them. I
argue that the right to justification is a potent tool for emancipation from
structural to relational forms of domination, but claim that Forst’s particu-
lar conceptualisation of power prevents him from addressing injustices
generated by ‘systemic domination’ — the subjection of all acto rs to the
functional imperatives of the system of social relations. [R] [See Abstr.
68.3338]
68.3118 BABIC, Milan ; FICHTNER, Jan ; HEEMSKERK, Eelke M. —
States versus corporations: rethinking the power of
business in international politics. International Spectator
52(4), Dec. 2017 : 20-43.
Over 25 years ago, S. Strange urged IR scholars to include multinational
corporations in their analysis. Within IR and IPE discussions, this was
either mostly ignored or reflected in an empirically and methodologically
unsatisfactory way. We reiterate Strange’s call by sketching a fine-
grained theoretical and empirical approach that includes both states and
corporations as juxtaposed actors that interact in transnational networks
inherent to the contemporary international political economy. This realis-
tic, juxtaposed, actor- and relations-centered perspective on state and
corporate power in the global system is empirically illustrated by the
example of the transnationalization of state ownership. [R]
68.3119 BACHMANN, Jan ; SCHOUTEN, Peer — Concrete ap-
proaches to peace: infrastructure as peacebuilding. In-
ternational Affairs 94(2), March 2018 : 381-398.
While infrastructure has always been around in post-conflict reconstruc-
tion, today, infrastructure is mobilized during ongoing conflict, invested
with aspirations of improving security and stability. At a first glance, a
theory of change that reorders societies by deploying the hidden powers
of the built environment seems compelling, and measurable and con-
crete infrastructure outputs, additionally, fit perfectly within today's more
pragmatic approaches to peace. However, based on examples from
across the contemporary global peace-building landscape, we show that
infrastructure neither amounts to a uniform force, nor is it clear what its
impact on peace exactly is. What is certain is that infrastructure is pro-
foundly entwined with contemporary peace-building, and that we there-
fore need to develop novel theoretical angles to come to terms with the
ubiquitous politics of infrastructure. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.3156]
68.3120 BAELE, Stéphane J. ; TH OMSON, Catarina P. — An exper-
imental agenda for securitization theory. International
Studies Review 19(4), Dec. 2017 : 646-666.
Securitization theory has developed into a fruitful research program on
the construction of security threats. The theory has experienced growing
sophistication, and empirical studies have produced stimulating insights
on issues as varied as the politics of immigration, health, climate change,
or cybersecurity. Understanding how social issues become perceived as
threats seems timelier than ever given the rise in securitizing narratives
in recent political elections across the globe. We propose that this re-
search agenda would benefit from broadening its methodological diversi-
ty. In particular, the use of experiments could complement existing
methods in securitization theory, mitigate some of the program’s meth-
odological weaknesses, and help explain when securitizing moves are
likely to succeed or fail. [R]
68.3121 BAKKER, Bert N. — Personality traits, income, and eco-
nomic ideology. Political Psychology 38(6), Dec. 2017 :
1025-1041.
While the psychological underpinnings of social ideology are well estab-
lished, less is known about the psychological underpinnings of economic
ideology. In this study, I assess whether Big Five personality traits are
associated with economic ideology and when personality traits are more
strongly or more weakly associated with economic ideology. I hypothe-
size that low income attenuates the association between the Big Five
traits and economic ideology. Studies conducted in Denmark, the US,
and the UK show that Conscientiousness is positively correlated with
economic conservatism, while Agreeableness and Neuroticism are
negatively correlated with economic conservatism. Moreover, low income
attenuates the association between personality traits and economic
ideology. [R, abr.]
68.3122 BALCEROWICZ, Leszek ; RADZIKOWSKI, Marek — The
case for a targeted criticism of the welfare state. Cato
Journal 38(1), Winter 2018 : 1-16.
Criticism of the welfare state would be more effective if it were better
targeted. That is why we begin by clarifying the meaning of the welfare
state. We then distinguish three dimensions of the welfare state and use
them to show the extent of differences between welfare states. Next, we
identify countries that appear to face the greatest challenges regarding
the sustainability of their welfare states. W e conclude with some remarks
on how to make criticism of the overgrown and badly structured welfare
state more effective. [R]
68.3123 BANSAK, Kirk, et al. — The number of choice tasks and
survey satisficing in conjoint experiments. Political Analy-
sis 26(1), Jan. 2018 : 112-119.
Political and social scientists have made increasing use of conjoint
survey designs to study decision-making. Here, we study a consequen-
tial question which researchers confront when implementing conjoint
designs: How many choice tasks can respondents perform before survey
satisficing degrades response quality? We run a set of experiments
where respondents are asked to complete as many as 30 conjoint tasks.
Experiments conducted through Amazon’s Mechanical Turk and Survey
Sampling International demonstrate the surprising robustness of conjoint
designs, as there are detectable but quite limited increases in survey
satisficing as the number of tasks increases. Our evidence suggests that
in similar study contexts researchers can assign dozens of tasks without
substantial declines in response quality. [R]
68.3124 BARTA, Zsófia ; JOHNSTON, Alison — Rating politics?
Partisan discrimination in credit ratings in developed
economies. Comparative Political Studies 51(5), Apr. 2018 :
587-620.
How does government partisanship influence sovereign credit ratings of
developed countries? Given the convergence of fiscal and monetary
outcomes between left and right governments in the past decades, credit
rating agencies (CRAs) should in principle not discriminate according to
ideology. However, we hypothesize that CRAs might lower ratings for left
governments as a strategy to limit negative policy and market surprises
as they strive to keep ratings stable over the medium term. A panel
analysis of Standard & Poor’s, Moody’s, and Fitch’s rating actions for 23
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