II Political Thinkers and Ideas Penseurs et Idées Politiques
| Published date | 01 October 2018 |
| Date | 01 October 2018 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/002083451806800502 |
| Subject Matter | Abstract |
II
POLITICAL THINKERS AND IDEAS
PENSEURS ET IDÉES POLITIQUES
68.5934
ANDRÉ-AIGRET, Constance ; DIMAND, Robert W. — Popu-
Socratic. In particular, the paper points to a less activist and more medi-
lism versus economic expertise: J. Laurence Laughlin
tative mode in Machiavel i's writings that al ows one to make a more
debates William Harvey. Forum for Social Economics 47(2),
convincing case for a Socratic Machiavelli. [R] [See Abstr. 68.5946]
2018 : 164-172.
William Harvey’s best-selling Coin’s Financial School [Harvard U.P.,
68.5939
BARKER, Chris — Dostoevsky and education through
1894] made the bimetallist case for free coinage of silver through a
punishment. Review of Politics 80(3), Summer 2018 : 463-
fictitious debate in which leading bankers, politicians, and economists
486.
were humiliated by a young bimetal ist. One of Harvey’s targets, J.
Laurence Laughlin, challenged Harvey to a real debate, in which populist
In “The Moral Education Theory of Punishment”, [Philosophy & Public
critique of established authority was confronted with an emphatic de-
Affairs 13(3), Summer 1984: 208-238], Jean Hampton argues that the
fense of monetary orthodoxy and academic expertise by an economist
practice of inflicting painful criminal punishments is justified only if pun-
who, though founder of the University of Chicago’s economics depart-
ishment is morally educative. Hampton's suggestion forms the point of
ment and of the Journal of Political Economy, had a problematic claim to
departure for this article on Dostoevsky's Crime and Punishment [1866]. I
speak for the economics discipline as a whole. [R]
show that Dostoevsky agrees with Hampton that punishment should aim
at moral reform; however, Dostoevsky presents no evidence that self-
punishment or legal punishment reliably cultivates respect for law, legal
68.5935
ARRINGTON, Lauren — The blindness of hindsight: Irish
authority, oneself, or others as moral agents. Instead, Dostoevsky's post-
and British poets look back on early fascist Italy. Irish Po-
Siberian writings are highly critical of Russian criminal justice, and
litical Studies 33(2), June 2018 : 246-258.
emphasize that moral education comes through dialogue, reflection, and
In the interwar period, the promise of good company, the hope of good
criticism. This highly individualized treatment may be experienced as
painful, but it does not have to result from, and it may even be impeded
weather, and the potential for poetic col aboration drew to Rapal o, Italy,
a number of poets who were influential in shaping 20th-c. poetry. How-
by, legal “hard treatment.” [R]
ever, Ezra Pound’s virulent fascism and the Pact of Friendship and
Alliance between Germany and Italy (1939) meant that writers were
68.5940
BAUME, Sandrine ; PAPADOPOULOS, Yannis — Transpar-
loathe to recognize the degree to which Rapallo was instrumental to late
ency: from Bentham’s inventory of virtuous effects to
modernist networks. For the most part, biographers have fol owed suit.
contemporary evidence-based scepticism. Critical Review
This essay attends to memoirs written by Nancy Cunard, H. D., Richard
of International Social and Political Philosophy 21(2), March
Aldington, and Thomas MacGreevy to illustrate post-war aversions to
2018 : 169-192.
acknowledging the importance of Rapallo and to demonstrate how
writers negotiated their relationship to Pound in constructing their own
There is growing enthusiasm for transparency in public affairs. Dis-
literary biographies in the shadow of the Second World War. [R, abr.]
courses idealizing the value of transparency are part of the rhetoric of
[See Abstr. 68.5961]
advocates of "good governance". However, there is little discussion of
the justifications for transparency. The view that transparency underpins
legitimacy is similar to that of the advocates for "publicity" in the initial era
68.5936
AUGSPURGER, Carolyn — "The principles of British
of representative government, when transparency (or publicity) became
honour": the memoirs of Sir Douglas Savory, M.P., and
a crucial issue in political debates. This article identifies the intellectual
the intersection between Ulster unionism and European
roots of claims for transparency through a retrospective examination of
minorities, 1939-1969. Irish Political Studies 33(2), June
the initial pleas in its favor. It concentrates on J. Bentham. We conclude
2018 : 184-201.
that the virtuous effects of transparency are today qualified by criticisms
This article examines the autobiographical works of Sir Douglas Savory,
in scholarly work, which emphasize the possible costs and perverse
M.P., an Ulster unionist politician in the pre-Troubles period, primarily
effects of the search for transparency or demonstrate that it may fail to
deliver the expected benefits. [R]
from the 1940s through the 1960s. Savory used these writings to dis-
seminate a unionist perspective on Northern Irish history and to construct
unionist identity. The article particularly focuses on the intersection
68.5941
BUEKENHOUT, Brecht — Aristotle's peculiar analysis of
between his engagement with European minorities and Ulster unionism,
monarchy. History of Political Thought 39(2), Summer 2018 :
arguing that his autobiographical accounts of his advocacy for marginal-
216-234.
ized groups helped to justify his portrayal of unionism as a threatened
group. His work further helped to shape post-war narratives of unionism.
Kingship and tyranny are the two instances of a monarchy that fit well
These narratives elided nationalist grievances and encouraged an
into Aristotle's classical sixfold model of regimes. if one looks closer at
inflexible response to such issues on the part of unionist policy-makers,
some defining aspects of kingship and tyranny, then in many respects
which would have far-reaching consequences in later periods. [R, abr.]
they seem to be understood in a unique way when compared to the other
[See Abstr. 68.5961]
regimes. An inquiry into the constitutional status, the kind of rule and the
relative valuation shows that monarchies can be set apart from the other
regimes from the sixfold model. This indicates in its entirety the problem-
68.5937
BADERIN, Alice, et al. — Who cares what the people
atic position of one-man rule in Aristotle's political thought. [R]
think? Revisiting David Miller’s approach to theorising
about justice. Contemporary Political Theory 17(1), 2018 :
69-104.
68.5942
CAMPA, Naomi T. — Positive freedom and the citizen in
Athens. Polis (Journal of Ancient Greek Political Thought)
David Mil er’s methodological approach to theorizing about justice,
35(1), 2018 : 1-32.
articulated most explicitly in Principles of Social Justice [Harvard U.P.,
1999], but informing his work up to and including the recent Strangers in
Freedom in democratic Athens is often understood as consisting of
Our Midst [Harvard U.P., 2016], takes people’s existing beliefs and
positive freedom in the public sphere in the form of political participation
sentiments — “what the people think” — to play a fundamental constitu-
and negative freedom in the private sphere in the form of citizens doing
tive role in the development of normative principles of justice. In this
"whatever they wish". The original meaning of positive freedom, though,
critical exchange, the authors subject differing aspects of this methodol-
is more akin to self-mastery than political participation. By looking at
ogy to critique, before Mil er responds. [R]
phrases describing Athenians’ ability to do "whatever they wish" from
Herodotus to Aristotle, this article argues that the phrases instead ex-
press individual positive freedom in both private and public spheres. The
68.5938
BALUCH, Faisal — Machiavelli as philosopher. Review of
democratic citizen is free because he is the author of his own actions.
Politics 80(2), Spring 2018 : 289-300.
Individual autonomy stands in contrast to Spartan and Persian definitions
This paper deals with Zuckert's book Machiavel i's Politics [U. of Chicago
of freedom, which focus on the external, negative freedom of the state.
Press, 2017]. It takes as its point of departure Zuckert's remark that
[R, abr.]
Machiavel i is “surprisingly like Socrates.” The paper begins with a brief
discussion of what makes a Socratic philosopher and then charts out the
68.5943
CAMPBELL, Peter — Generals in cyberspace: military
many similarities between Socrates and Machiavel i. Responses are
insights for defending cyberspace. Orbis 62(2), Spring
offered to some of the key reservations against terming Machiavelli a
2018 : 262-277.
608
Penseurs et idées politiques
Recently, there have been cal s for the US to unleash the offensive
The early paragraphs of John Locke’s Second Treatise of Government
power of cyberspace. This article argues that cyberspace does not favor
(1690) describe a poetic idyl of property acquisition widely supposed by
the offensive at either the tactical or the strategic level. In fact, a defen-
contemporary theorists and historians to have cast the template for
sive doctrine has clear advantages over an offensive one. Support for
imperial possessions in the New World. This reading ignores the sur-
this argument can be found in two unexpected sources: official state-
prises lurking in Locke’s later chapters on conquest, usurpation, and
ments of US Army doctrine and...
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