II Political Thought and Theory / Théorie et Pensée Politiques
| DOI | 10.1177/00208345211038641 |
| Date | 01 August 2021 |
| Published date | 01 August 2021 |
530
II
POLITICAL THOUGHT AND THEORY
THÉORIE ET PENSÉE POLITIQUES
71.5212 BARNETT, Michael — Change in or of global governance?
International Theory 13(1), March 2021 : 131-143.
M. Zürn's Theory of Global Governance [Oxford U. P., 2018] is an original,
bold, and compelling argument regarding the causes of change in global
governance. Although I am persuaded that legitimacy matters, there are
times when: legitimacy appears to be given too much credit to the relative
neglect of other factors; other times when the lack of legitimacy has little
discernible impact on the working of global governance; and unanswered
questions about how the legitimacy of global governance relates to the
legitimacy of the international order of which it is a part. Zürn reduces
change to either deepening or decline, overlooking the possible how of
global governance. In contrast to Zürn's map of global governance that is
dominated by hierarchies in the form of international organizations, an al-
ternative map locates multiple modes of governance: hierarchies, mar-
kets, and networks. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 71.5223]
71.5213 BASNETT, Caleb J. — From "fugitive democracy" to "fugi-
tive justice": cultivating a democratic ethos. Contemporary
Political Theory 20(1), March 2021 : 119-140.
S. Wolin’s ‘fugitive democracy’ is arguably his most provocative contribu-
tion to political theory. Breaking with the understanding of democracy as a
constitutional form whose origins he locates in the work of Aristotle, Wolin
claims democracy is better understood not as a constitution, but as a ‘re-
bellious moment,’ making democracy dependent on cultural rather than
institutional characteristics. This formulation poses a problem for democ-
racy as a political phenomenon, as political power today tends to be con-
centrated within institutions. Without institutional expression, democracy
is alienated from political power and hence a contradiction in terms. I re-
construct an understanding of Wolin’s fugitive democracy that can avoid
such problems, while also being adequate to the current political juncture.
I argue that Aristotle’s conception of the practice of justice, read through
the lens of Wolin’s ‘fugitive democracy,’ becomes ‘fugitive justice.’ [R, abr.]
71.5214 BROWN, Étienne — Kant’s doctrine of the highest good: a
theologico-political interpretation. Kantian Review 25(2),
June 2020 : 193-217.
Kant’s discussion of the highest good is subject to continuous disagree-
ment between the proponents of two interpretations of this concept. Ac-
cording to the secular interpretation, Kant conceived of the highest good
as a political ideal which can be realized through human agency alone,
albeit only from the Critique of the Power of Judgement onwards. By way
of contrast, proponents of the theological interpretation find Kant’s treat-
ment of the highest good in his later works to be wholly coherent with the
discussions of this concept found in the second Critique. In their view,
however, Kant never conceived of the highest good as a political ideal,
and some go as far as to argue that it is the work of God alone. I defend a
theologico-political account of the highest good that avoids the pitfalls of
both readings. [R]
71.5215 BROWN, Mark B. — James Baldwin and the politics of
white identity. Contemporary Political Theory 20(1), March
2021 : 1-22.
Efforts to develop a coherent role for white people in racial justice initia-
tives in the US are often stymied by the defensiveness, paternalism, and
guilt of many white liberals. Such efforts are also undermined by critiques
of whiteness that conflate white identity and white supremacy. I address
this dilemma by developing an account of antiracist white identity politics,
conceived of here as taking responsibility for the effects of being socially
defined as white. I locate conceptual resources for this project in James
Baldwin’s reflections on tragedy, love, and identity. In contrast to those
who invoke Baldwin to argue for abolishing white identity, I m ake a case
for politicizing it. I draw on Baldwin’s articulation of a tragic sensibility to
argue that white antiracism requires accepting a morally compromised
identity one has not chosen. It also requires accepting that serious efforts
to end white supremacy inevitably lead to mistakes, misunderstandings,
and counterproductive outcomes. [R, abr.]
71.5216 CADEDDU, Davide — John Dunn and the history of politi-
cal theory. History of European Ideas 47(1), Jan. 2021 : 158-
167.
In 1992, John Dunn published an essay in Italian (which came out in Eng-
lish only years later) in which he summarized and clarified certain aspects
of his historiographical vision concerning the history of political theory. A
careful analysis of the text — corroborated by a consideration of later com-
ments as well as general historical-theoretical references — gives us an
insight into the lights and shadows of his thought. This reinterpretation re-
veals the originality of a perspective that examined the meaning of ‘canon’
within the history of political theory, and indicated certain cultural and po-
litical aims to be consciously pursued through it. This original thought has
recently been consolidated by other considerations on the need for a
global history of political thought capable of offering interesting food for
thought. [R, abr.]
71.5217 CASTRILLON, Alejandro — The hemispheric federalist de-
bate: the literary exchange between Juan Egana and Vi-
cente Rocafuerte. History of Political Thought 42(1), 2021 :
131-156.
In nineteenth-century Latin America there were many debates on whether
the US Constitution should serve as a political model for the newly freed
republics. In Chile, Juan Egana drafted the constitution of 1823 to consider
the historical circumstances of the country, promoting religious homoge-
neity and a unitary government. The creation of this constitution incited an
intense reaction in Chile and beyond. Vicente Rocafuerte, a prominent Ec-
uadorian statesman, openly criticized Egana's work, opting instead to de-
fend what he perceived were the universal insights found in the US con-
stitution and The Federalist Papers. This led Rocafuerte to support feder-
alism and freedom of religion as the pillars of modern republicanism. Alt-
hough Egana's constitution lasted only a year, many of his proposals were
taken up ten years later in the constitution of 1833. [R, abr.]
71.5218 CELLO, Lorenzo — Jeremy Bentham’s vision of interna-
tional order. Cambridge Review of International Affairs 34(1),
Feb. 2021 : 46-64.
Despite the global influence of his works during and after his lifetime, J.
Bentham is a largely neglected figure in IR. Bentham’s “global intellectual
activism” in promoting legal reform abroad during the 1810 s and 1820 s
suggests that the prospect of “exporting” constitutional and representative
forms of government was key to this vision. In piecing together Bentham’s
mature constitutional theory and his vision of an international order of lib-
eral nations, this paper sheds some light on the historical emergence of a
deep-seated assumption that informs much of current debates about the
future of the liberal international order: the belief in the moral superiority of
liberal democracies and their central role in upholding international order.
[R, abr.]
71.5219 CLEGG, Stewart ; BERTI, Marco — Tales of power. Journal
of Political Power 14(1), 2021 : 27-50.
In the form of an interview between two colleagues, this paper explores 50
years of power theorizing by S. Clegg. The origins of his approach to
power in a combination of structuralism, Wittgenstein and ethnomethodol-
ogy are explored. The background to his early work, whose empirics were
based on the analysis of conversational materials, are outlined, as well as
how it became a publication. The rationale and context of subsequent sig-
nificant contributions to the power debate are engaged. Elsewhere, the
power debate had moved from Lukes’ three dimensions of power to four
dimensions, the provenance of which is critically evaluated. In order to ex-
emplify the practical implications of these theoretical reflections, the con-
versation goes on to address some current issues associated with the
coronavirus pandemic and the relations between democracy and elites.
[R, abr.] [See Abstr. 71.5052]
71.5220 CONTI, Gregory — Inegalitarian inclusivity: a reading of J.
S. Mill's mature theory of representation and electoral in-
stitutions in context. History of Political Thought 42(1),
2021 : 98-130.
The subject of representation has been one of the thorniest in scholarship
on J. S. Mill. This confusion is due in part to the way in which the details
of his proposals, and their reception in his time, have been obscured by
debates about Mill's standing as a democrat and the relevance of his ideas
to contemporary democratic theory. This essay, by contrast, postpones
the question of democracy, focusing first on both the content and context
To continue reading
Request your trial