III: Governmental and Administrative Institutions Institutions Politiques et Administratives
| Date | 01 June 2018 |
| Published date | 01 June 2018 |
| DOI | 10.1177/002083451806800303 |
| Subject Matter | Article |
350
III
GOVERNMENTAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE INSTITUTIONS
INSTITUTIONS POLITIQUES ET ADMINISTRATIVES
(a) Central institutions /Institutions centrales
68.3431 ARANDA ÁLVAREZ, Elviro — "Parlamento abierto": una
visión desde los principios de funcionamiento de las
cámaras parlamentarias (Open Parliament: a view in-
spired by the working principles of the parliament cham-
bers). Revista española de Derecho constitucional 111,
Sept.-Dec. 2017 : 13-43.
The new tools provided by Information Technologies (IT) can strengthen
the principles on which parliamentary activities are based — representa-
tion, control, participation, debate, collaboration and public scrutiny. This
study analyzes the important innovations introduced by IT in both the
organization of Parliament and the procedures of its bodies. This study
will show how the use of the new technologies by Parliament will improve
the representative nature as well as the legitimacy of the chambers.
Within this framework, Parliament will strive to fulfill its constitutional
mission: to express the will of the people. [R]
68.3432 BARONCELLI, Stefania — Long-term vs short-term per-
spectives: adaptation, stability and the roles of the con-
stitutional courts in the management of the Eurozone
crisis in Germany and Italy. Contemporary Italian Politics
10(1), 2018 : 36-55.
The article sheds light on the different approaches used by Germany and
Italy in adopting and implementing the instruments created to tackle the
Eurozone crisis, with special reference to the European Stability Mecha-
nism, the Fiscal Compact, and the monetary policy instruments adopted
by the European Central Bank (ECB). The responses of the two coun-
tries are argued to derive from the influence of mainstream economic
thinking — Germany promotes a culture of stability and a longer term
perspective while Italy favours liquidity and short-term solutions — on the
case law of the constitutional courts of the two countries. The German
Court has insisted on the principle of constitutional identity and budget-
ary autonomy of the Bundestag to resist the expansionary monetary
policy of the ECB and the growing competences of the EU. [R, abr.] [See
Abstr. 68.4234]
68.3433 BATTERSBY, John — Terrorism where terror is not:
Australian and New Zealand terrorism compared. Studies
in Conflict and Terrorism 41(1), Jan. 2018 : 59-76.
Despite many commonalities in national security priorities, Australia and
New Zealand approach the threat of terrorism quite differently. Both had
20th-c. manifestations of domestic terrorism, which were generally
downplayed. The emergence of jihadist-inspired threats globally have
affected Australia much more than New Zealand, and Australian counter-
terrorism strategy has developed significantly since 9/11 [2001]. New
Zealand has watched global events so far untouched by any jihadist
threat, and has implemented few effective counterterrorism measures.
The reasons for the differing experience, it is contended here, are the
varying historical perceptions of threat, and consequent differing ap-
proaches each country has taken to mitigate perceived threat. [R]
68.3434 BERTELLI, Anthony M. ; McCANN, Pamela J. Clouser —
Decentralizing pork: congressional roll-call voting, de-
centralized administration, and distribution politics. Leg-
islative Studies Quarterly 43(1), Feb. 2018 : 69-100.
Congress packages pork-barrel spending in complicated proposals that
belie theories of distributive politics. We theorize that roll-call voting on
such bills depends on grant programs' administrative centralization, party
ties with presidents or home state governors, and differences in geo-
graphic representation between chambers. Analyzing votes between
1973 and 2010 using a within-legislator strategy reveals that House
members are less likely to support decentralized spending when they are
co-partisans with presidents, while senators support decentralization
regardless of such party ties. When House members or senators share
affiliation with only governors or with neither chief executive, the likeli-
hood of support rises with decentralization. [R]
68.3435 BÍRÓ-NAGY, András — Central European MEPs and their
roles: behavioral strategies in the European Parliament.
World Political Science 12(1), 2016 : 147-174.
Based on the results of a quantitative survey research with MEPs from
the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia in the
2009-2014 term, I argue that it is possible to explain the political roles of
MEPs by their attitudes towards politics and policy, and the territorial
focus of representation (European vs. national level). Due to the internal
mechanisms of the EP and its position in the multi-level governance
system of European politics, these two dimensions represent dilemmas
that all MEPs face, when it comes to the efficient use of their time and
energy. The time spent in the EP, age, previous political experience,
party affiliation, left-right self-definition and career ambitions are all
important factors that can explain the political behavior of MEPs. [R, abr.]
68.3436 BODE, Ingo — Responsabilidad paradójica en el su-
ministro de servicios públicos: el caso de la atención
hospitalaria en Alemania y un experimento mental sobre
México (Paradoxical accountability in public service pro-
vision. The case of inpatient care in Germany — and
thought experiment on Mexico). Gestión y Política pública,
Suppl., 2017 : 45-77.
This article explores relations between public service-providing organiza-
tions and their wider enviro nment, with an emphasis on the transfor-
mation of public accountability. The key assumption is that the latter
becomes stronger and less immediate at the same time. This paradox
will be elucidated by drawing on concepts such as institutional logics,
market-oriented public governance, and hybrid accountability on the one
hand, and by an empirical illustration from the German inpatient care
sector which is complemented by a short foray into recent developments
in the Mexican health care system, on the other. It is argued that, under
the influence of recent reform movements, contemporary public service
provision is fraught with the aforementioned paradox, regardless of
(national) institutional legacies in public management. [R, abr.] [See
Abstr. 68.3462]
68.3437 CHIARA, Magdalena — Entre los programas y los ser-
vicios: las políticas de atención de la salud a través de
sus instrumentos. Una aplicación al caso argentino
(2003-2011) (Between programs and services: health
care’s policies through its instruments. An application to
Argentina, 2003-2011). Gestión y Política pública, Suppl.,
2017 : 191-222.
This paper presents a theoretical and methodological approach for the
study of the health care policies in search for capturing the relationships
between plans and programs that take place in the implementation of the
reforms. It proposes definitions, provides a specific instrument’s typology
for the health field and identifies the relevant attributes for its analysis. To
show the potentiality of this tool in a fragmentation context, the paper
applies this perspective to the analysis of Argentina’s health policy in a
period that goes from the end of the early 20th c. crisis to the end of the
decade. Transcending the boundaries of each program, the analysis of
its instruments allows to detecting common challenges in the policies’
level, as well as convergences and divergences regarding the changes
proposed from the national government. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.3462]
68.3438 CHUDNOVSKY, Mariana, et al. — Construcción de capaci-
dades estatales: un análisis de políticas de promoción
del diseño en Argentina (State-capacity building: examin-
ing design policies in Argentina). Gestión y Política pública
27(1), 2018 : 79-110.
Public sector capabilities result from an equilibrium between the political
and institutional context and the strategies of the different public agen-
cies. We have found the existence of both positive and negative cycles of
capacity-building within the state. Positive cycles aim to implement
policies through agencies that have certain organizational, fiscal and
human capabilities, while negative ones fail to do so. We examine four
public agencies that implement productive development policies in
Argentina and we find that, mainly because of the political institutional
contextual logic, negative cycles tend to prevail despite the existence of
some efforts to trigger positive ones. [R]
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