III Governmental and Administrative Institutions Institutions Politiques et Administratives
| DOI | 10.1177/002083451806800503 |
| Published date | 01 October 2018 |
| Date | 01 October 2018 |
| Subject Matter | Abstract |
618
III
GOVERNMENTAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE INSTITUTIONS
INSTITUTIONS POLITIQUES ET ADMINISTRATIVES
(a) Central institutions /Institutions centrales
68.6029 ADEAKIN, Ibikunle — The emerging role of sovereign
wealth fund as an economic growth avenue for Nigeria:
lessons from the Singapore experience. Commonwealth
and Comparative Politics 56(3), 2018 : 298-317.
In 2011, Nigeria legally established a sovereign wealth fund (SWF) with
a view to find a lasting solution to the frequent short-fall of funds needed
for key budgetary and infrastructural developments in the country. This is
as a result of the volatility in the price of crude oil, which is Nigeria’s
major source of foreign exchange revenue. This article examines the role
that Nigeria’s SWF could play in the economic growth of the country.
Importantly, as Nigeria continues to struggle with its first economic
recession in decades, the article suggests it needs to adopt lessons from
Singapore’s SWF experience. [R]
68.6030 ANSALONI, Matthieu ; SMITH, Andy — The neo-dirigiste
production of French capitalism since 1980: the view
from three major industries. French Politics 16(2), June
2018 : 154-178.
This article argues that the very nucleus of French dirigisme lives on.
This claim is developed by analyzing post-1980 change in three major
industries (agriculture, defense aerospace and pharmaceuticals). If the
inscription of French producers in international markets and global
finance has indeed eroded national capacity to unilaterally determine
economic practices and outcomes, often through investing in the Euro-
pean scale, many renewed modes of intervention have actually enabled
French capitalism to retain its most significant institutions. Explanation
for the political success of this “neo-dirigisme” is traced to struggles that
have taken place within and beyond the state. During these conflicts,
actors seeking to embed neo-liberal content into economic intervention-
ism have consistently won out over opponents who advocate a wider
range of interventionist policy tools. [R, abr.]
68.6031 ARATO, Andrew — Democratic legitimacy and forms of
constitutional change. Constellations 24(3), Sept. 2017 :
447-455.
Does Chile need a new constitution? If yes, what would be the best way
to achieve such outcome? The highly political subject area of constitu-
tion-making should be studied from the double point of view of law and
politics. A purely empirical approach tends to lose sight of the object
domain and often winds up discovering regularities that the best lawyers
and political actors already knew too well. A purely legal approach,
however, tends to mistake formal process for the real thing. There are
four different democratic pathways o f constitution-making. Assuming for
the moment that Chile does need a new Constitution, which of these four
methods would be most appropriate? Being ultimately ideal types, could
two of them even be combined?
68.6032 ASKIM, Jostein ; KARLSEN, Rune ; KOLLTVEIT, Kristoffer
— The spy who loved me? Cross partisans in the core
executive. Public Administration 96(2), 2018 : 243-258.
Political appointees from different parties from that of their minister —
cross-partisan appointees (CPAs) — are increasingly found in the core
executive. Ministerial advisory scholarship has overlooked CPAs, while
the coalition governance literature sees them as "spies" and "coalition
watchdogs". This article argues theoretically and demonstrates empiri-
cally that this conceptualization is overly limited. The empirical basis is a
large N survey of political appointees from two Norwegian coalitions, and
a qualitative follow up survey of CPAs. The results show that CPAs
monitor on behalf of their party, provide cross-partisan advice to their
minister and perform many of the same tasks as regular partisan ap-
pointees, including exercising independent decision-making power. In
this research context, most CPAs act as coalition liaison officers who,
rather than create tension and negative dynamics, contribute to building
trust between coalition partners. [R]
68.6033 AUEL, Katrin ; EISELE, Olga ; KINSKI, Lucy — What hap-
pens in Parliament stays in Parliament? Newspaper cov-
erage of national parliaments in EU affairs. Journal of
Common Market Studies 56(3), Apr. 2018 : 628-645.
The role of national parliaments in EU matters has becom e an important
subject in the debate over the democratic legitimacy of the EU . Yet
despite a remarkable increase in parliamentary involvement in EU affairs,
the added value in terms of democratic legitimacy will remain limited if
citizens are not aware of their activities. Given that citizens mainly expe-
rience politics through the media, the aim of the paper is therefore to
explore whether and under what conditions parliamentary involvement in
EU matters is visible in national newspapers. The paper draws on two
quantitative datasets covering parliamentary EU activities and relevant
newspaper articles in seven Member States between 2010 and 2013.
Results suggest that the efforts of active parliaments pay off. [R, abr.]
68.6034 AZPITARTE SÁNCHEZ, Miguel — La defensa de la Consti-
tución frente al secesionismo. Crónica política y legisla-
tiva del año 2017 (The defense of the Constitution against
secessionism. Political and legislative chronicle of the
year 2017)? Revista española de Derecho constitucional
112, Jan.-Apr. 2018 : 147-175.
Three distinctive elements of secessionism are analyzed: its political
basis, centered on sovereignty; the construction of a new legality; and
the reasons that have caused the failure of the independence movement.
In the second part of the paper, I analyze the measures adopted to
defend the Constitution. They have been of broad spectrum covering the
performance of the Constitutional Court, the attempt to abort the referen-
dum, the criminal prosecution of those responsible, the speech of the
King and the activation of Art. 155. [R]
68.6035 BEST, Volker — Bundesratsreform und gemischte
Länderkoalitionen: Zum Bargaining-Potenzial der Bun-
desregierung bei absoluter, relativer und umgekehrter
Mehrheitsregel in der "Länderkammer" (Bundesrat re-
form and mixed state coalitions: an analysis of the Ger-
man Federal Government’s bargaining potential under
absolute, relative and inverse majority voting in the
"Federal Council"). Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 28(1),
March 2018 : 31-48.
Most proposals for a structural reform of the German Bundesrat focus on
voting rules. This is due to the role of state coalitions including parties
that are part of the Federal Government as well as parties that are in
opposition at the federal level. These “mixed” state coalitions tend to
abstain in votes in case of non-agreement of the coalition partners. But
with the Bundesrat’s approval needed for a lot of laws to pass, those
abstentions have the same effect as nays. Despite discussions on the
pros and cons of diverse reform proposals, their empirical potential for
more effective federal legislation has only been analyzed in a very static
fashion. The more dynamic approach chosen here is to compare the
Federal Government’s bargaining chances under absolute, relative and
inversed majority voting. [R]
68.6036 BIRKETT, Gemma — Influencing the penal agenda? The
Justice Select Committee and "transforming justice",
2010-15. Political Quarterly 89(2), Apr.-June 2018 : 217-226.
This article assesses the policy influence of the House of Commons Justice
Select Committee, established to oversee the work of the Ministry of Justice
following its creation a decade ago. The committee has, from the outset,
overseen many contentious policy and legislative developments in the
penal field, although none so extensive as those introduced following the
formation of the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government in
2010. Despite the newsworthy nature of its business, the committee has, to
some extent, operated in the shadows of its high-profile sister, the Home
Affairs Select Committee, and has received surprisingly limited attention
from criminologists and political scientists alike. Forming part of a wider
investigation into the work of the committee, this article examines the extent
to which it was able to influence penal developments during the coalition
years. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.6121]
68.6037 BROSCHEK, Jorg — The politics prime ministers make:
secular and political time in Canadian context. Canadian
Political Science Review 12(1), 2018 : 1-23.
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