III Governmental and Administrative Institutions / Institutions Politiques et Administratives
| Published date | 01 December 2019 |
| Date | 01 December 2019 |
| DOI | 10.1177/0020834519892865 |
| Subject Matter | Abstracts |
747
III
GOVERNMENTAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE INSTITUTIONS
INSTITUTIONS POLITIQUES ET ADMINISTRATIVES
(a) Central institutions /Institutions centrales
69.7245 ALGARA, Carlos ; ZAMADICS, Joseph C. — The member-
level determinants and consequences of party legislative
obstruction in the US Senate. American Politics Research
47(4), July 2019 : 768-802.
Are Senators cross-pressured by party influence and constituent de-
mands on procedural votes? We present a theory positing that Senators
are indeed cross-pressured between these two demands and that elec-
torally vulnerable members use the increased salience of procedural
votes to differentiate themselves from their party. In an analysis of
Senate procedural votes since the 92nd Congress, we develop a new
spatial measure of obstruction preference and demonstrate our finding in
three ways. First, obstruction preferences have become more polarized
as the Senate experiences more intense legislative obstruction. Second,
electorally vulnerable members are most likely to break from their party
on procedural votes. Third, we find that voters electorally reward majority
party Senators who break from their party and behave like minority party
obstructionists. [R, abr.]
69.7246 BARBER, Michael ; SCHMIDT, Soren — Electoral competi-
tion and legislator effectiveness. American Politics Re-
search 47(4), July 2019 : 683-708.
How do legislators respond to electoral competition? We consider this
question by looking at the relationship between legislative productivity
and the competitiveness of legislators’ primary and general elections.
Building on C. Volden and A. E. Wiseman [Legislative Effectiveness in
the United States Congress: The Lawmakers, Cambridge U. P., 2014]’s
preliminary investigation of the electoral connection to legislative produc-
tivity, we introduce to that analysis the critical and often-overlooked
distinction between primary and general election competitiveness.
Employing panel data of US House members spanning three decades
(1979-2009), we find significant evidence of a positive relationship
between primary vote share and legislative effectiveness, much of which
is explained by having primary opposition at all. These results have
substantial implications for our understanding of both the electoral
connection and legislative behavior. [R]
69.7247 BODDERY, Scott S. — Signals from a politicized bar: the
Solicitor General as a direct litigant before the US Su-
preme Court. Constitutional Political Economy 30(2), June
2019 : 194-210.
In its dealings with the US Supreme Court, the Solicitor General’s office
enjoys remarkable success. Previous accounts of the Solicitor General
advantage roundly explain the phenomenon as a function of the office
being a source of reliable legal information to Supreme Court justices. I
demonstrate, however, that macro-level analysis — the office’s overall
winning percentage — misses an intricate dynamic between policy-
minded justices and the executive agency. Examining every case be-
tween 1961 and 2007 in which the Solicitor General’s office represented
the US before the Supreme Court, I demonstrate that “the solicitor
general advantage” is present but contingent on justice-level ideological
congruence. [R, abr.]
69.7248 BRUNELL, Thomas L. ; GROFMAN, Bernard — Using US
Senate delegations from the same state as paired com-
parisons: evidence for a Reagan realignment. PS 51(3),
July 2018 : 512-516.
The fact that two senators are elected from each state offers the poten-
tial for natural paired comparisons. In particular, examining historical and
geographic patterns in terms of changes in the number of divided US
Senate delegations (i.e., states whose two senators are of different
parties) is a useful route to testing competing models of American poli-
tics, including theories of split-ticket voting, party polarization, and rea-
lignment. Brunell and Grofman (1998) used divided Senate delegations
to indirectly examine evidence for realignment. We hypothesized that a
partisan realignment will necessarily lead to a cyclical pattern in the
number of divided Senate delegations. We predicted that the number of
divided Senate delegations at the state level would decline after 1996
because we conjectured that there had been a realignment cusp around
1980. [R, abr.]
69.7249 CARSTENSEN, Martin B. ; RÖPER, Nils — Invasion from
within: ideas, power, and the transmission of institutional
logics between policy domains. Comparative Political Stud-
ies 52(9), Aug. 2019 : 1328-1363.
How do institutional logics travel within a political economy? Employing
insights from historic al and ideational institutionalist theory, this article
offers a novel understanding of change dynamics as driven by actors’
creation of institutional interlinkages. It develops the causal mechanism
of “invasion from within,” consisting of a three-stage process: the pro-
gressive weakening of a policy paradigm within one institutional site
coinciding with a strengthening of the policy paradigm in another; the
building of a coalition within the exporting field; and the use of framing
strategies to “localize” adjacent logics of action and delegitimize adver-
sarial coalitions. The analytical purchase of the argument is corroborated
through process tracing of the German pension paradigm shift during the
1990s. [R, abr.]
69.7250 CHENG Kuo-Tai — Public service motivation and psycho-
logical ownership in Taiwan’s government-owned enter-
prises. International Journal of Public Administration 42(9),
July 2019 : 786-797.
The purpose of this study was to examine the predictive power of each
dimension of public service motivation on psychological ownership in a
Taiwan sample. The sample consisted of 1087 employees from four
government-owned enterprises. The research found that for all govern-
ment-owned enterprises compassion was significantly negatively corre-
lated with psychological ownership, while commitment to the public
interest and self-sacrifice were significantly positively correlated with
psychological ownership. Moreover, theoretical and practical implications
of the results are discussed. [R]
69.7251 CHIRU, Mihail ; GHERGHINA, Sergiu — Committee chair
selection under high informational and organizational
constraints. Party Politics 25(4), July 2019 : 547-558.
This article draws on major theories of committee organization to explain
committee chair selection in contexts with high informational and organi-
zational constraints. We test our theoretical expectations through a series
of fixed effects conditional logit models run on an original data set which
includes all legislators who have served in the Romanian Chamber of
Deputies from 1992 to 2012. The findings indicate that sector knowledge
matters more for committee chair selection in the first post-communist
terms, while chair seniority and party credentials acquire relevance later
on. The effect of sector knowledge is stronger than that of chair seniority
for the committees that the members of pa rliament perceive to be the
most important, while party leaders have privileged access to the chair
position irrespective of how salient the committee is. [R]
69.7252 CHOU, Mark — Different levels of government, different
levels of political competence? PS 52(2), Apr. 2019 : 256-
260.
In federal political systems such as the US, there has long existed a view
that citizens should be more politically competent at the local level than
at the federal level of government. Recent studies have challenged this
view. This article argues that these findings may reflect only one part of
the broader picture. Through a review of two recent studies, I contend
that research in this realm must consider more than only the level of
government. Odd as this sounds, assumptions about varying levels of
political competence at different levels of government have always been
premised on the notion that local-level politics is smaller and less com-
plex than federal-level politics. However, when local politics takes place
today against the backdrop of small villages and towns as well as in large
cities, these assumptions must be reevaluated. [R]
69.7253 CODATO, Adriano, et al. — La connexion financière. La
porte tournante de la Banque centrale du Brésil (The fi-
nancial connection. The revolving door of the Central
Bank of Brazil). Gouvernement et Action publique 2019(1) :
137-155.
To continue reading
Request your trial