III Governmental and Administrative Institutions / Institutions Politiques et Administratives
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/00208345221142388 |
| Published date | 01 December 2022 |
| Date | 01 December 2022 |
791
III
GOVERNMENTAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE INSTITUTIONS
INSTITUTIONS POLITIQUES ET ADMINISTRATIVES
(a) Central institutions /Institutions centrales
72.7213 BA, Heather-Leigh Kathryn ; SCHNEIDER, Brandon ; SULLI-
VAN, Terry — The longer you wait, the longer it takes: pres-
idential transition planning and appointment politics. Con-
gress and the Presidency 49(1), 2022 : 84-115.
Contemporary research on presidential appointments tends to focus on
the Senate’s political climate as a primary cause of its “broken politics.” In
contrast, we focus on the role the president plays in setting the stage for
Senate confirmation of federal appointees. Our empirical approach sug-
gests that an active president who demonstrates initiative in the transition
planning phase of an administration can better control the agenda of the
Presidentially Appointed and Confirmed by the Senate (PAS) appointment
process by jump-starting it before the Senate’s policy workload accumu-
lates and legislative politicking takes over. This approach suggests that
better transition planning can hasten the overall appointments process. [R]
72.7214 BOKOBZA, Laure, et al. — The morning after: cabinet insta-
bility and the purging of ministers after failed coup at-
tempts in autocra cies. Journal of Politics 84(3), July 2022 :
1437-1452.
All autocrats rely on inner-circle elites to stay in power. It is commonly
assumed that dictators will purge these elites if they unsuccessfully try to
unseat the dictator in a coup. However, this assumption has never been
tested in a global analysis. Furthermore, little is known about whom dicta-
tors target in such purges. This article focuses on the highest levels of the
regime, namely, cabinet ministers. Using a new global data-set, our anal-
ysis covers over 23,000 cabinet members in 115 autocracies from 1967 to
2016. We demonstrate that failed coups induce autocrats to increasingly
purge their cabinets and that they do so selectively by targeting higher-
ranking cabinet members and those who hold strategic positions, while
keeping more loyal and veteran ministers in posts. [R, abr.]
72.7215 BÖLLER, Florian — Vandenberg vanished: US Congress
and the politicisation of military interventions. Parliamen-
tary Affairs 75(3), July 2022 : 676-696.
This article examines the extent and patterns of politicisation in the field of
military interventions for the US after the end of the Cold War. The analysis
shows that key votes on war and peace in the US Congress are contested
to a higher degree than in the European parliaments. It finds that Repub-
lican members of Congress (MoC) are in general more supportive of mili-
tary interventions than Democrats. At the same time, party loyalty towards
the president influences the level of support. Furthermore, an original con-
tent-analysis of congressional debates reveals that MoC use specific ar-
gumentative frames in line with partisan ideology. Both parts of the analy-
sis point to the relevance of partisanship and partisan ideology for under-
standing the politicisation of military interventions policies. [R, abr.]
72.7216 CASIRAGHI, Matteo C. M. ; CURINI, Luigi — When the
worlds of preferences collide: determinants of MP’s atti-
tudes on the Italian Questione Romana 1861-1870. Parlia-
mentary Affairs 75(3), July 2022 : 655-675.
The relationship between original and induced preferences in affecting po-
litical actions has been a recurrent topic in the literature. Less attention
has been devoted to investigating the interaction between these two pref-
erences, and possible neutralising/reinforcing effects. We explore this dy-
namic on a crucial issue in 19th-c. Italy, the ‘Questione Romana’, employ-
ing a quantitative analysis on an original corpus of legislative speeches
(1861-1870). The absence of strong parties allows investigating the rela-
tionship between MPs’ original preferences and that induced by their vot-
ers’ linkage. Moreover, as politicians and voters were part of the same
elite, we can check how their paths of political socialisation shape this re-
lationship, leading to aligned or colliding preferences. [R]
72.7217 CAYTON, Adam — Do lawmakers respond to crisis ideo-
logically or pragmatically? American Politics Research
50(4), July 2022 : 550-563.
How do members of Congress respond to economic shocks in their dis-
tricts? This study uses constituency-level unemployment data from 2006-
2011 and data on the policy instruments included in individual bills to esti-
mate the district-level effects of the Great Recession on the kinds of
policies individual lawmakers introduce. Few previous studies have exam-
ined lawmaker responsiveness to rapid changes in district conditions and
fewer still examine policy instruments instead of issue priorities. Measuring
instruments matters because they capture what the policy actually does
(as opposed to what it is about) which is both consequential and ideologi-
cally loaded. The results show that Democrats and Republicans respond
differently. Republicans are more responsive, particularly with policy in-
struments that conform to their ideology, while Democrats are as likely (in
the case of tax cuts), or more likely (in the case of spending) to support
economic stimulus without an economic crisis. Differences in the macropo-
litical situation cannot be ruled out as an explanation of the differences
between parties. [R]
72.7218 ENONCHONG, Laura-Stella — Unconstitutional constitu-
tional amendment or constitutional dismemberment? A re-
appraisal of the presidential term limit amendment in Cam-
eroon. Global Constitutionalism 11(2), July 2022 : 274-296.
Presidential term limit provisions are often perceived as a feature of mod-
ern democratic systems. It has been argued that their existence is a key
intervention mechanism to pre-empt some undemocratic outcomes asso-
ciated with incumbency advantages. In 2008, the Constitution of Came-
roon was amended to abolish the presidential term limit. More than ten
years on, there are ostensible signs of a democratic decline. This article
takes a retrospective look at the constitutional amendment to assess its
constitutionality. It is argued that a conclusion on the constitutionality of the
amendment may not be unequivocal. Nevertheless, there are substantial
grounds for considering the constitutional change as a constitutional dis-
memberment. This is premised on the fact that, although the amendment
followed the normal rules for constitutional amendments, the transfor-
mation amounted to a fundamental break with the constitutional commit-
ment to democracy that underpinned the adoption of the 1996 Constitution.
[R]
72.7219 FEDERMAN, Peter Stanley ; CURLEY, Cali — Exploring in-
tra-state tensions in government responses to COVID-19.
Publius 52(3), Summer 2022 : 476-496.
While political polarization has largely been used as a scapegoat to explain
the US policy response to the pandemic, federalism has also been credited
and blamed for the policy response and has played an important role in
providing avenues for conflict. This article explores intra-state conflict
three distinct but interrelated patterns of conflict that emerg ed within US
states, focusing on tensions between the executive and legislative
branches, between bureaucratic officials and the legislature, and between
state and local governments. We then examine a series of questions re-
garding the implication of these conflicts, focusing on the issuance of ex-
ecutive orders, the responses undertaken by officials who disagreed with
and sought to push back against these orders, and the ways that inter-
branch and inter-governmental disagreements about these orders were
resolved. [R, abr.]
72.7220 HANSEN, Eric R. — White constituents and congressional
voting. American Politics Research 50(4), July 2022 : 564-
582.
Why do some members of Congress vote more on the extremes of their
party than others? I argue that lawmakers representing more homogene-
ously white districts have greater electoral incentive to moderate their vot-
ing records, since the two parties compete more for support of white voters
than for the support of minority voters. I provide evidence using roll-call
votes from the US House and Senate. I find members representing more
homogeneously white districts have more moderate voting records, a find-
ing that holds for Democrats and Republicans. I explore two potential
mechanisms: legislator responsiveness and electoral punishment. While
legislators do not seem to adjust their voting behavior in response to short-
term changes in district racial composition, more homogeneously white
districts are found to assess larger vote share penalties on more extreme
candidates in general elections. The findings have implications for our un-
derstanding of race, representation, and electoral accountability. [R]
72.7221 HORWITZ, Robert B. — Trump and the “deep state”. Policy
Studies 42(5-6), 2021 : 473-490.
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