III Governmental and Administrative Institutions / Institutions Politiques et Administratives
| Published date | 01 October 2022 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/00208345221131608 |
| Date | 01 October 2022 |
664
III
GOVERNMENTAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE INSTITUTIONS
INSTITUTIONS POLITIQUES ET ADMINISTRATIVES
(a) Central institutions /Institutions centrales
72.6019 AKIRAV, Osnat — Using non-legislative tools when legis-
lation is hard: a comparison of the Canadian, UK, and Is-
raeli parliaments. British Politics 17(2), June 2022 : 167-194.
To make policy, legislators must pass laws. However, the ability to pro-
pose these laws is largely in the hands of the government or the party and
less in the hands of the individual legislator. By comparing the parliaments
of Canada, the UK, and Israel, which have different procedures regarding
the use of legislative and non-legislative tools, and different electoral sys-
tems that can create different incentives for legislators, we demonstrate
that the individual legislator must rely heavily on non-legislative tools be-
cause he or she has limited ability to propose legislation. Furthermore, the
characteristics of the party compete with those of the individual in deter-
mining the ability of legislators to use these non-legislative tools. [R, abr.]
72.6020 ALEMÁN, Eduardo ; MIMICA, Nicolás ; NAVIA, Patricio — Bi-
cameral lawmaking: analysing the choices of revising
chambers. Parliamentary Affairs 75(2), Apr. 2022 : 362-381.
This article examines the choices made by revising chambers in bicameral
congresses. It analyses how bill characteristics, chamber congruence, im-
patience and institutional context influence the decisions made by revising
chambers regarding executive bills sent by the chamber of origin. The
analysis focuses on the case of Chile, a presidential country in which the
executive has substantial proposal power. The findings show that the
probability of a bill passing with amendments is higher when it receives a
presidential urgency and when the revising chamber is the Senate. Exec-
utive bills coming out of the Finance Committee are more likely than others
to pass unamended. However, those bills are more likely to die in commit-
tee when the revising chamber is the Senate (i.e., the chamber whose
membership has a longer time horizon). [R]
72.6021 ALEXANDRE-COLLIER, Agnès — Brexit and anti-Parlia-
ment discourses among conservative MPs (2016-2019).
Parliamentary Affairs 75(2), Apr. 2022 : 239-262.
Brexit seems to have produced a new form of narrative in the Conservative
Party in which some Conservative MPs brand themselves first and fore-
most as representatives of ‘the people’. Following on from the 2016 EU
referendum, a new discourse has become prominent in the party and has
also been developed as a new critique of the British Parliament. An anal-
ysis of Hansard debates between July 2016 and December 2019 helps
identify different forms of anti-Parliament narrative which denounce the
paralysis of the legislative process as well as its anti-democratic and con-
spiratorial features. By doing so, they reveal a radical departure from the
historic values of the Conservative party such as the ‘veneration’ of Par-
liament but question the claim that this may signal the surge of a new type
of populism. [R]
72.6022 ALEXIADOU, Despina — Cabinet ministers and inequality.
European Journal of Political Research 61(2), May 2022 : 326-
350.
Recent literature on policy responsiveness in the US and Europe finds ev-
idence that party and parliamentary policy proposals and actual policy out-
comes are closer to the preferences of the rich than of the poor. However,
the extent and character of such unequal representation remains thinly
understood. Among the most thinly understood mechanisms are the polit-
ical conditions that link socio-economic inequalities to unequal represen-
tation. This paper thickens our understanding of (unequal) representation
by investigating the class composition of parliamentary cabinets and its
effect on social welfare policy. With the aid of a new dataset on cabinet
ministers’ social class, the paper shows that responsiveness to the social
welfare preferences of poorer voters varies by cabinet ministers’ profes-
sional backgrounds, above and beyond the partisan orientation of the gov-
ernment. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.6402]
72.6023 ALGARA, Carlos ; ZAMADICS, Joseph — Ideological cross-
pressures or random error? An analysis of spatially incon-
sistent voting in the US House and US Senate. Journal of
Legislative Studies 28(2), 2022 : 243-277.
Theoretical and empirical models of congressional voting assume that leg-
islators vote with the sole purpose to move policy closer to their
ideologically ideal point. While NOMINATE correctly classifies most votes
cast by members of Congress, a significant number of votes are misclas-
sified and coded as spatial error. The literature on congressional voting
assumes this error to be random and idiosyncratic across members. We
argue that spatial errors are systematic across members, with spatial error
being more likely on roll-call votes tackling salient policy issues and among
members representing constituencies with greater ideological divergence
between the median voter and the member's primary election constitu-
ency. [R, abr.]
72.6024 APPELDORN, Niels H. ; FORTUNATO , David — Legislative
capacity in Germany's parliaments. Legislative Studies
Quarterly 47(2), May 2022 : 309-328.
We present new data on the legislative capacity (or professionalism) of
Germany's national and subnational parliaments including legislator sal-
ary, informational expenditures, and counts of committee and plenary ses-
sions. We describe these data and aggregate them into a summary meas-
ure modeled after the Squire Index as well as a measure derived from
factor analytic decomposition. The internal validity of these measures is
assessed in a case study of recent parliamentary reforms in Baden-Würt-
temberg and the external validity is assessed via comparison to electoral
turnover. We conclude with suggestions for future research and hope that
our colleagues will both make use of these data to study the causes and
consequences of legislative capacity in Germany and also be motivated to
collect and disseminate similar data for new contexts. [R]
72.6025 ARMALY, Miles T. ; ENDERS, Adam M. — Affective polari-
zation and support for the US Supreme Court. Political Re-
search Quarterly 75(2), June 2022 : 409-424.
Support for the US Supreme Court does not appear to be polarized on
ideological or partisan lines. However, the form of polarization for which
the mass political behavior field has amassed substantial support is affec-
tive in nature. We reconsider the hypothesis that polarization does not bear
on Court support by examining the role of affective polarization. Using
three sources of nationally representative survey data, we consistently find
a negative relationship between affective polarization and both diffuse and
specific support for the Court. Moreover, neither general nor Court-specific
political sophistication mitigates the negative effect of affective polariza-
tion; rather, sophistication exacerbates affective polarization’s influence on
support. Finally, panel data show that affective polarization precedes neg-
ative evaluations of the judiciary, though there is no support for the con-
verse relationship. [R, abr.]
72.6026 BALLINGRUD, Gordon D. — The President and the Su-
preme Court: the effect of the prospect of non-implemen-
tation on government success in the Court. Political Sci-
ence Quarterly 137(2), Summer 2022 : 357-379.
The author examines judicial decision-making under conditions of political
pressure given through ideological hostility from other federal institutions.
He finds that in case outcomes and majority opinion writing, the Court’s
behavior changes when other institutions are ideologically distant from the
Court’s center. [R]
72.6027 BEKA, Rinor — Presence of minority representatives at the
table is not sufficient: the struggle of Serb legislators to
influence decision-making in the Kosovo Assembly. Jour-
nal of Legislative Studies 28(2), 2022 : 195-215.
This article examines the degree to which ethnic minority Serb legislators
in the Kosovo Assembly were able to translate ‘presence’ in the form of
guaranteed seats into ‘influence’ on decision-making processes. It seeks
to analyse the importance of guaranteeing representation of minority
groups in the parliament and to assess the factors that determine the de-
gree to which minority legislators can effectively carry out their duties. The
article intends to shed light on political, institutional and practical barriers
hindering the ability of Serb legislators to influence agenda setting, scruti-
nise policies and legislation from the perspective of impact on their com-
munity, and oversee the work of the executive in legal implementation.
Aside from challenges in enhancing the role of the Assembly in the after-
math of conflict, the article looks at institutional norms and procedures,
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