Immigrant perceptions of the police
| Author | Liqun Cao,Ivan Y Sun,Yuning Wu |
| DOI | 10.1177/1461355717714000 |
| Published date | 01 September 2017 |
| Date | 01 September 2017 |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
Article
International Journal of
Police Science & Management
Immigrant perceptions of the police:
2017, Vol. 19(3) 171–186
ª The Author(s) 2017
Theoretical explanations
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DOI: 10.1177/1461355717714000
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Yuning Wu
Wayne State University, USA
Ivan Y Sun
University of Delaware, USA
Liqun Cao
University of Ontario Institute of Technology, Canada
Abstract
A notable limitation among existing studies on immigrant perceptions of the police is the lack of a guiding theoretical
framework in data analyses. This article delineates the theoretical perspectives that may explain group differential views
on the police between immigrants and non-immigrants, and among immigrant groups. In particular, we formulate a new
conceptual framework for classifying these theories. Theories are first organized by the two sources of influence that
immigrant attitudes toward the police are subject to: universal factors that tend to shape all residents’ attitudes toward
the police, and group-specific factors that apply only to foreign-born individuals. Then within both universal and
immigrant-specific factors, there are four subcategories of demographic, experiential, structural, and attitudinal
variables. Recommendations for future research are included.
Keywords
Immigration, perceptions of the police, theory, race/ethnicity
Submitted 28 Oct 2016, accepted 03 May 2017
Introduction
A review of scholarly research on police–minority rela-
tions often reveals strains, tension, and even violence
The demographic transformation in the United States of
between minority groups and the police (Walker, 1999).
America (USA) since the immigration overhaul of 1965
Although African Americans have been the focal concern
has called for a reconceptualization of racial/ethnic minor-
of the majority of the literature, other minority groups,
ity groups in the country. Noticeably, migration from Latin
including immigrant groups, have become increasingly
America and Asia has greatly diversified the U.S. minority
visible in political and public discussion, and deserve more
population. Between 1970 and 2000, the percentage of
scholarly attention. The U.S. police have historically shoul-
black Americans in officially recognized minority popula-
dered the demanding missions of controlling the
tions declined gradually from 65% to 37%, while the pro-
“dangerous” classes (Gordon, 1994) and perceived social
portions of Hispanic and Asian Americans increased
threats, including immigration flood (Johnson, 1981). More
steadily, many of them foreign born (U.S. Bureau of the
recently, the post-9/11 era of American policing has
Census, 2010). Further, it is projected that U.S. population
growth between 2005 and 2050 will be due mainly to immi-
grants arriving in the country and their descendants (Passel
Corresponding author:
and D’Vera, 2008). Such dramatic demographic transfor-
Yuning Wu, Wayne State University, 3261 Faculty Administration Build-
mations have deep implications for policing in general and
ing, Detroit, MI 48202-3489, USA.
police–minority relations in particular.
Email: yuningwu@wayne.edu
172
International Journal of Police Science & Management 19(3)
featured an enhanced involvement of local police in enfor-
occasionally used to indicate the legal status of immi-
cing immigration laws and rules, posing new challenges to
grants (Brown and Benedict, 2002), with those who
police–community relations (Kirk et al., 2012; Provine
entered the country in a way that violated the U.S. immi-
et al., 2016).
gration laws or entered the country in a legal way, but
This article synthesizes and discusses the literature on
failed to leave the country after their visa expired, being
immigrant perceptions of the police. Distinguishing from
labeled as illegal or undocumented immigrants. For the
previous reviews (Wu, 2010), this article does not aim to
purposes of this article, we focused on foreign-born (i.e.
provide a comprehensive summary of the existing scho-
first generation) individuals as immigrants.
larly works. Instead, it takes a conceptual road less tra-
The U.S. immigrant population has grown rapidly over
velled by researchers and delineates the theoretical
the past three decades. In 2008, 12.5% of the total U.S.
frameworks that may be useful for explaining group dif-
population was foreign-born (U.S. Bureau of the Census,
ferential views on the police between immigrants and non-
2008). In fact, two-thirds of Asian Americans and 40% of
immigrants and among immigrant groups. Theorizing
Hispanic Americans were foreign born (Grieco, 2010).
efforts are of tremendous value in criminological research
Sociologists have begun to use terms like “new foreign
(Cao, 2004). Theory represents the definitive feature of sci-
minority” or “new immigrants” to describe Asian and Latin
entific inquiry, and theory testing provides the much-needed
Americans who have arrived in the USA since the liberal-
empirical basis for designing and implementing informed
ization of immigration laws in 1965 (Hein, 1991). They are
policies (Bernard and Ritti, 1990). Existing research on
considered “new” partially because of their very different
immigrants and perceptions of policing, although gradually
physical features from earlier immigrants who are non-
accumulating, remains largely a-theoretical (see further dis-
Hispanic white. For these new immigrant minorities, issues
cussion in a later section). Most studies reveal differences in
related to identities of race, ethnicity, and immigrant status
group perceptions, yet fail to theorize what explains the
are often interlocking in nature. Consequently, discussion
group differences or how immigrant characteristics affect
in this article often involves not only immigration, but also
perceptions. It is hoped that this article may inspire more
race and ethnicity, sensitive to the potential problem of
studies on the social structure and process that affect police–
multiple disadvantages.
immigrant community relations, both theoretically and
empirically.
Theorizing immigrant perception of police
Albeit limited, the literature on immigrant perceptions of
A brief note on immigrants
the police in the USA has been growing, with a number of
Before delving into the discussion of immigrant percep-
immigrant groups, such as Latino, Bangladeshi, Vietna-
tions of the police, a brief note on how we define immi-
mese, Chinese, Korean, and Arab empirically examined
grants is in order. Depending on the context, immigrant
(Cheurprakobkit, 2000; Cheurprakobkit and Bartsch,
status carries varying meanings. In a legalistic context,
1999; Chu and Hung, 2010; Chu and Song, 2015; Chu
immigrant status is for people who live permanently in
et al., 2005; Correia, 2010; Culver, 2004; Davis and Hen-
the USA (i.e. permanent residents), whereas non-
derson, 2003; Davis and Hendricks, 2007; Herbst and
immigrant status is assigned to people who entered the
Walker, 2001; Khondaker et al., 2015, 2017; Kirk et al.,
USA on a temporary basis for tourism, business, tempo-
2012; Menjivar, and Bejarano, 2004; Pogrebin and Poole,
rary work, or study. In some academic discussion, immi-
1990; Roles et al., 2016; Skogan et al., 2002; Song, 1992;
grant status describes whether an individual was born in
Sun and Wu, 2015; Torres and Vogel, 2001; Vidales et al.,
the USA (i.e. native-born) or in a foreign country and later
2009; Walker, 1997; Wu, 2010; Wu et al., 2011, 2013).
relocated to the USA (i.e. foreign-born) (Davis and Hen-
Other studies on Latino/Asian Americans were likely to
dricks, 2007; Lopez-Cevallos and Harvey, 2016; Wu and
include Latino/Asian immigrants in the samples, but they
Alteimer, 2014). In other scholarly discussion, immigrant
cannot claim with certainty that the results would apply to
status applies to not only foreign-born individuals, but
immigrant populations.
also the offspring of these individuals (Bersani and DiPie-
Among the existing studies on immigrant perceptions of
tro, 2016; Wu et al., 2011). The term “immigrant gener-
the police, a notable limitation is a lack of guiding theore-
ation” is relevant in this context, with the first-generation
tical framework in data analyses. Although several theore-
immigrants typically including foreign-born individuals,
tically implicated covariates have been investigated,
the second-generation including the native-born children
researchers have not yet proposed a strong theoretical core
of foreign born (or mixed) parents, and the third and
or an encompassing framework that can effectively inte-
higher generation including the native-born children of
grate past research and serve as a springboard for launching
native-born parents. Finally, immigrant status was
future research. This inadequacy, which is perhaps due
Wu et al.
173
Table 1. A conceptual framework for classifying theories that explain immigrant perception of the police.
Universal factors
Indicators
Theories
Temporal order
Demographic
Race/ethnicity
Group position theory
Post-arrival
Racial hierarchy theory
Social class
Socio-economic resource thesis
Experiential
Experience with police
Institutional performance theory
Post-arrival
Experience with crime
Structural
Neighborhood conditions
Social disorganization theory
Post-arrival
City/region context
Community accountability perspective
Attitudinal
Senses of injustice
Sense of injustice perspective
Post-arrival
Procedural justice theory
Multifaceted...
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