In Pursuit of Civic Participation: The Early Experiences of the Northern Ireland Civic Forum, 2000–2002

DOI10.1111/j.1467-9248.2004.00496.x
Date01 October 2004
AuthorVikki Bell
Published date01 October 2004
Subject MatterArticle
In Pursuit of Civic Participation: The
Early Experiences of the Northern
Ireland Civic Forum, 2000–2002
Vikki Bell
Goldsmiths College, University of London
Northern Ireland’s Civic Forum is a key civic participation mechanism agreed as part of the Belfast
Agreement and established under the Northern Ireland Act 1998. It brings together representa-
tives from various sectors to act as a ‘consultative forum’ on ‘social, economic, and cultural issues’.
This article argues that ‘civic society’ has to be understood as a ‘transactional reality’ in the
Foucauldian sense, such that the task of the Civic Forum – to allow the participation of ‘civic
society’ – entails the continual construction of its own boundaries and remit. These are contested,
not only outside the forum where political considerations have made it somewhat controversial,
but also within. It is argued here that this is necessarily so, given the need for the forum to carve
out a position between its constitutive outsides. Of particular concern has been the meaning of
‘consultative’, as competing understandings of this key term position the forum differently with
respect both to the legislative Northern Ireland Assembly and to Northern Irish society as a whole.
Additionally, the ethical imperative to give voice to wider society is examined, as it inf‌luences the
way members of the forum articulate their role. Finally, I discuss the forum’s sense of its unique
identity – as given by its opportunity to enact an inclusive and diverse political space. The argu-
ment draws throughout on a qualitative sociological study that employed observation of the
forum’s plenary sessions over an eighteen-month period (2000–2002) and semi-structured inter-
views with selected members.
This article explores the early experiences of the Civic Forum of Northern Ireland,
a key civic participation mechanism set up under the Belfast Agreement.1The
enthusiasm for civic participation mechanisms in policy and theoretical circles
arises from the belief that democracy can no longer be understood to f‌low from
the establishment of formal democratic institutions. Instead, true democratisation
is thought to require participative mechanisms in order to foster and sustain the
values that underpin a so-called ‘culture of democracy’.2This participative ethos
has been widely promoted within both emerging and established democracies
and is regarded as particularly important within societies emerging from conf‌lict
situations. Many recent peace agreements have incorporated civic participation
mechanisms (Bell, 2000), ref‌lecting the opinion that a sense of common interest
and mutual respect will accrue as a result of their establishment. By formally
extending participation, cooperation among different groups is encouraged, which
in turn will protect against future divisive group attitudes and behaviours. More-
over, welcoming the active citizen onto the public stage offers acknowledgement
of the social networks and associations that already exist, as well as facilitating the
potential participation of those who may otherwise have felt excluded from the
world of politics.
POLITICAL STUDIES: 2004 VOL 52, 565–584
© Political Studies Association, 2004.
Published by Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA
566 VIKKI BELL
But ‘civic society’ is a reality that is only brought into being by the means through
which it is approached: it is a ‘transactional reality’ that forms a part of the ratio-
nalities by which populations are conf‌igured and governed (see Ashenden and
Owen, 1999; Rose, 1999). The attempt to formalise ‘civic society’ by giving it a
forum such as the Civic Forum in Northern Ireland is bound to bring into focus
this fact, as the role and parameters of its remit have to be established through a
process of negotiation and debate. In this light, I explore how this forum attempted
to carve out a space between its constitutive outsides – the elected legislative North-
ern Ireland Assembly and wider ‘civic society’. In the f‌irst section, I offer a brief
history of the Civic Forum, emphasising the passage of this idea within its local
context of Northern Ireland. The next two sections draw upon a qualitative study
of the forum’s early experiences. In the second section, I argue that, throughout
the eighteen-month period of this study, the forum struggled with a crucial term
in its remit – what it means to be a ‘consultative forum’. This was the def‌ining term
given to it by the Agreement and is central to its self-constitution. But the insta-
bility of this term recurred repeatedly as the boundaries of its work – and espe-
cially its relationship with the Assembly – were debated. In the third section, I
consider its attempt to be the voice of civic society, as the task of operating
‘between’ the legislative body and the citizen body entailed a crucial ethical com-
mitment to facilitate that voice. Here, the meaning of ‘civic society’ and hence a
‘civic forum’ is at issue with important consequences for the forum’s role. In the
fourth and f‌inal section, I address the issue of whether it has been able to fulf‌il its
promise as an inclusive and deliberative space.
The History of the Civic Forum
The idea of the Civic Forum had been around in Northern Ireland for some time.
But it was the Women’s Coalition party who championed the idea during the multi-
party talks (1996–98), insisting upon its inclusion in the Belfast Agreement. They
hoped for some form of corrective to the Assembly, which was always going to be
dominated by the main political parties f‌iercely opposed to one another. This would
be an opportunity for a more deliberative approach to issues of governance.3It
would also be an acknowledgement of the important role that had already been
played by active citizens, especially the voluntary and community groups of
Northern Ireland, during the period of direct rule since 1972. The importance of
the voluntary and community sector in Northern Ireland has been considerable.
They were given a crucial role in the implementation of the EU’s ‘peace package’
to Northern Ireland (1995–2000).4Indeed, it has been suggested that some of the
support for the forum during the talks may have been lent by those who saw it as
a way to contain social activists who had had the access to the administrative power
coveted by politicians (McCall and Williamson, 2001). Be that as it may, on the
face of it, the Women’s Coalition won an acknowledgement of the expertise and
the social capital that already f‌lowed within Northern Ireland.
What emerged from the Agreement was a commitment to a less powerful body
than the Women’s Coalition had initially wanted. Its remit was not to be as impor-
tant as a second chamber – an idea that other political parties involved in the talks

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