IV Governmental and Administrative Institutions / Institutions Politiques et Administratives

DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/00208345231157667
Published date01 February 2023
Date01 February 2023
39
IV
GOVERNMENTAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE INSTITUTIONS
INSTITUTIONS POLITIQUES ET ADMINISTRATIVES
(a) Central institutions /Institutions centrales
73.255 ANTSIFEROV, Nikolay ; GALITSKY, Eduard ; CHERMIT,
Ruslan Constitutional duties and decisionism in the
context of constitutional control bodies' implementation
of their political functions: systemic and organizational
aspects. Lex Localis (Journal of Local Self Government)
20(2), Apr. 2022 : 279-301.
The purpose of this study is to examine the role of constitutional control in
the framework of state lawmaking and law enforcement functions and the
impact of constitutional control bodies on political development, economic
transformation, and social policy. This study examines the role and place
of constitutional control in the state legal mechanism, the advantages and
disadvantages of specialized and non-specialized constitutional control,
preventive constitutional control. The study concludes that the model of
non-specialized centralized constitutional control is very promising, capa-
ble of effectively balancing the logic of decisionism (discretion) and the
scope of constitutional responsibilities. This study examines the relation-
ship between the constitutional control and decisionism from the point of
view of the Russian legal system. [R, abr.]
73.256 BAERG, Nicole Rae ; KRAININ, Colin Divided committees
and strategic vagueness. European Journal of Political
Economy 74, Sept. 2022 : 102240.
Recent research has found that central bank communications affect out-
comes, for example, by moving financial markets and shaping inflation ex-
pectations. Missing from the literature is an understanding of why the con-
tent of communications varies in the first place. We present an agenda-
setting model of a monetary policy committee (MPC) with committee mem-
bers who bargain over the degree of vagueness in central bank communi-
cations. We generate hypotheses about the types of MPCs that are ex-
pected to produce more or less vague communications. We test our prop-
ositions empirically using data from the US Federal Open Market Commit-
tee (FOMC) during Arthur Burns’s tenure (1970-1978) and find evidence
that the FOMC uses vaguer language when the committee chair and me-
dian committee member have aligned preferences than when their biases
are opposed. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 73.435]
73.257 BARON, Kevin M. Informal and private: bargaining and
veto threats over the Freedom of Information Act. Con-
gress and the Presidency 49(2), 2022 : 165-199.
The president’s formal role in lawmaking comes through the veto power,
although Neustadt noted the informal power of persuasion through bar-
gaining. Building from Azari and Smith’s work on information institutions,
this research demonstrates how bargaining and veto threats function as
an informal institution operating within the formal rules and constraints of
the legislative development process, as there are no formal rules to govern
presidential bargaining with Congress. The president’s power to persuade
becomes contextual and situational to the issue, individual, and moment
in time. Using the development of the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA)
and the first amendment to the bill, I examine how and why presidents will
choose to employ a private versus public bargaining strategy based on the
context in which they find themselves. [R, abr.]
73.258 BARRETT, Gavin The Irish Parliament and the recovery
and resilience plan: giving up on national influence on EU
matters by parliamentary means? Journal of Legislative
Studies 28(3), 2022 : 350-367.
Most accounts of parliamentary involvement in European affairs describe
a gradual increase over time in the role of national parliaments. However,
it is also possible for parliamentary involvement to stagnate or decline over
time. The argument of this article is that such inertia or decline is being
seen in Ireland when it comes to EU-related crises, such as the COVID-
19-inspired economic crisis: the Oireachtas is largely confining its Euro-
pean-related activities to creating a public forum. Hence, debates and par-
liamentary questions remain the tools of choice. These have the ad-
vantage for parliamentarians of involving little effort. However, they also
exert little influence on policy. Simultaneously, methods of direct engage-
ment with the electorate such as stakeholder consultations and townhall
meetings are now featuring in such situations (joining other direct engage-
ment methods found in the Irish democratic landscape such as citizens’
assemblies and referendums). [R] [See Abstr. 73.262]
73.259 BAUGHMAN, John ; NOKKEN, Timothy P. Institutional de-
velopment and participation on House roll-call votes,
1819-1921. Political Research Quarterly 75(3), Sept. 2022 :
646-660.
An emerging body of literature seeks to understand the determinants of
roll-call participation in the early US House of Representatives. A multitude
of factors electoral, institutional, and partisan exerted significant in-
fluence over members’ participation decisions during the time we analyze.
We analyze roll-call abstention rates from the 16th to 66th Congress (1819
to 1921) to determine whether electorally at-risk members differed in their
attentiveness to their congressional responsibilities than members who
faced less or no risk. By examining a century of congresses, we compare
both the post-Civil War era immediately prior to adoption of the Australian
ballot as well as the pre-Civil War congresses to identify those factors that
affected members’ decision to participate on roll-call votes. [R, abr.]
73.260 BENDIX, William ; JEONG Gyung-Ho Beyond party: ideo-
logical convictions and foreign policy conflicts in the US
Congress. International Politics 59(5), Oct. 2022 : 827-850.
Recent work finds evidence that partisan calculations, not ideological pref-
erences, drive congressional decisions on foreign policy. While legislators
support the wars launched by their party’s presidents, they often oppose
those by the other party’s presidents. However, it is unclear whether such
partisan calculations are limited to a narrow set of security votes or
whether they are part of a broad pattern of foreign policymaking in Con-
gress. To examine the importance of partisan versus ideological motiva-
tions, we exam ine the substantive contributions legislators make to, and
the votes they cast on, foreign policy measures. Specifically, we collect
sponsorship and voting data on amendments that allow Congress to re-
strict presidential spending on defense programs and foreign aid. [R, abr.]
[See Abstr. 73.1079]
73.261 BONEVA, Lena ; FERRUCCI, Gianluigi ; MONGELLI, Fran-
cesco Paolo Climate change and central banks: what
role for monetary policy? Climate Policy 22(6), 2022 : 770-
787.
Climate change has profound effects not only on societies and economies,
but also for the ability of central banks to deliver price stability in the future.
Among others, climate change impacts the monetary transmission mech-
anism, the policy space available to central banks, and has implications for
the design of the monetary policy framework. Thus, taking no action is not
a viable option, even for central banks without an explicit sustainability
mandate. This article establishes a framework for the integration of climate
change objectives into monetary policy in the context of the existing central
bank mandates. Currently, only in a few cases do such mandates refer
explicitly to sustainable growth and development as a policy objective for
the central bank. The article discusses several possible ways central
banks can respond to climate change, ranging from protective actions to
more proactive measures aimed at mitigating climate change by support-
ing green finance and the transition to a low carbon economy. [R, abr.]
73.262 BOROŃSKA-HRYNIEWIECKA, Karolina ; FROMAGE, Diane
Democratic accountability in the EU econom ic govern-
ance post-crises: its many faces and potential outstanding
gaps. Journal of Legislative Studies 28(3), 2022 : 299-312.
The article introduces the special issue ‘Parliaments in times of crises:
democratic accountability in the EU economic governance from the euro
to the COVID crisis’ expla ining how it seeks to make a novel contribution
in the field of parliamentary studies. It first explains the trajectory of the
crisis-driven institutional ch anges affecting parliaments from the great fi-
nancial crisis to the COVID pandemic. It then introduces the concept of
democratic accountability as a guiding notion of the special issue and dif-
ferentiates among its various dimensions as well as potential outstanding
gaps in the area of EU economic governance. Finally, it demonstrates in
what ways particular contributions of this collection address the under-re-
searched questions related to the abovementioned dimensions of EU dem-
ocratic accountability. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on " Parliaments
in times of crises: democratic accountability in the EU economic govern-
ance from the Euro to the Covid crisis". See Abstr. 73.258, 412, 905, 921,
922, 934, 940, 944, 1287]

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