IV Political Process : Public Opinion, Attitudes, Parties, Forces, Groups and Elections / Vie Politique : Opinion Publique, Attitudes, Partis, Forces, Groupes et Élections
| Published date | 01 December 2021 |
| Date | 01 December 2021 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/00208345211065590 |
780
IV
POLITICAL PROCESS : PUBLIC OPINION,
ATTITUDES, PARTIES, FORCES, GROUPS AND ELECTIONS
VIE POLITIQUE : OPINION PUBLIQUE,
ATTITUDES, PARTIS, FORCES, GROUPES ET ÉLECTIONS
71.7541 AASKOVEN, Lasse — Partisan-electoral cycles in public
employment: evidence from developed democracies. Po-
litical Studies 69(2), May 2021 : 190-213.
According to both early empirical findings and theoretical expectations of
partisan preferences, left-wing parties in government ought to prefer
higher levels of public employment for both ideological and opportunistic
reasons. In contrast, using country-fixed effects in a panel of 22 OECD
countries, this article finds no evidence of left-wing governments system-
atically increasing public employment. However, there is evidence that left-
wing governments increase public employment in election years, which
gives rise to an opportunistic, partisan-electoral cycle in public employ-
ment. In line with the logic of core-voter targeting and political budget cy-
cles, incumbent left-wing parties seem to increase the number of their po-
tential core voters when they are needed most. [R]
71.7542 ABOU-CHADI, Tarik ; KURER, Thomas — Economic risk
within the household and voting for the radical right. World
Politics 73(3), July 2021 : 482-511.
This article investigates how unemployment risk within households affects
voting for the radical right. The authors contribute to recent advances in
the literature that have highlighted the role of economic threat for under-
standing the support of radical-right parties. In contrast to existing work,
the authors do not treat voters as atomistic individuals; they instead inves-
tigate households as a crucial site of preference formation. Combining
largescale labor market data with comparative survey data, they confirm
the expectations of their theoretical framework by demonstrating that the
effect of occupational unemployment risk on radical-right support is
strongly conditioned by household-risk constellations. Voting for the radi-
cal right is a function not only of a voter’s own risk, but also of his or her
partner’s risk. [R, abr.]
71.7543 ACHEAMPONG, Martin — Legislators’ pathway to power in
Ghana: intra-party competition, clientelism and legislator-
constituents’ relationship. Journal of Legislative Studies
27(2), 2021 : 300-316.
An important quality of representative democracy is the strength of the
linkage between citizens and the state. To provide a strong incentive for
this relationship, Ghanaian legislators are elected on First-Past-The-Post
system which in principle should foster close links between legislators and
their constituents. In contrast to this expectation, there is an observed dis-
connect between the country’s legislators and their constituents. This pa-
per investigates why Ghana’s electoral system is producing a starkly dif-
ferent outcome and which explanations could account for the gap between
the country's representatives and the represented. Previous studies have
not assessed patron–client networks mediating legislators’ pathway to
power in Ghana and how it complicates the expected effects of electoral
institutions. [R, abr.]
71.7544 AGGEBORN, Linuz ; NYMAN, Pär — Intergenerational
transmission of party affiliation within political families.
Political Behavior 43(2), June 2021 : 813-835.
We investigate the intergenerational transmission of political-party affilia-
tion within families with at least two politicians. We use Swedish registry
data that covers all nominated politicians for the years 1982 to 2014, as
well as their family ties. First, we demonstrate there is a strong link be-
tween individuals and their parents concerning party affiliation. We also
find that this intergenerational transmission persists over generations and
across siblings. Our second aim is to investigate the mechanisms behind
this result, which we do by first discussing two hypotheses: the one con-
cerns a socialization pathway, the other a materialistic one. We then bring
these hypotheses to the data, and we find that the socialization pathway
matters more for intergenerational transmission. [R]
71.7545 AHA, Katharine — Resilient incumbents: ethnic minority
political parties and voter accountability. Party Politics
27(4), July 2021 : 680-691.
Are ethnic minority parties held accountable by voters for their participation
in governing coalitions in the same way as parties drawing votes from the
ethnic majority? Scholars have shown that incumbents in postcommunist
East Central Europe are routinely punished in elections, particularly in the
face of poor economic performance. However, it remains to be seen if eth-
nic minority political parties are similarly punished by voters when they join
coalitions. I argue that ethnic minority parties are less likely to be punished
than their fellow coalition members for poor economic performance, en-
joying the benefits of a “captive” electorate. Using data sets of electoral
and economic data at the national and subnational levels in Bulgaria, Ro-
mania, and Slovakia, I find that ethnic minority parties, on average, gain
votes after serving in government, while mainstream parties almost always
lose. [R, abr.]
71.7546 AKTÜRK, Şener ; KATLIAROU, Yury — Institutionalization
of ethnocultural diversity and the representation of Euro-
pean Muslims. Perspectives on Politics 19(2), June 2021 :
388-405.
We seek to explain variation in the descriptive representation of Muslim
minorities in national legislatures, relying on an original data-set that in-
cludes 635 seats filled by Muslim-origin MPs in the lower chambers of na-
tional parliaments of twenty-six European polities in three legislative cycles
between 2007 and 2018. We argue that the image of a polity as a union
of multiple ethnocultural groups, reflected in concrete state policies and
institutional arrangements, may be conducive to better descriptive repre-
sentation of Muslim minorities, who were not originally envisioned as one
of the communities constituting the nation. The results of multivariate re-
gression analysis provide support for our hypothesis that the extent to
which ethnocultural diversity is recognized and institutionalized helps ex-
plain variation in the levels of descriptive representation of European Mus-
lims. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 71.7459]
71.7547 ALIZADE, Jeyhun ; DANCYGIER, Rafaela ; DITLMANN, Ruth
K. — National penalties reversed: the local politics of citi-
zenship and politician responsiveness to immigrants.
Journal of Politics 83(3), July 2021 : 867-883.
Local politicians can play an important role in promoting citizenship, but
their helpfulness varies considerably across local councils. Do politicians
discriminate against immigrants seeking to naturalize in ways that public
opinion and national citizenship debates would suggest? In two corre-
spondence studies fielded in Germany, we find no evidence that features
that are salient in national debates and public opinion predict responsive-
ness. Specifically, signals of national identification and attachment play no
role. Instead, we document a reversed national penalty: politicians are
50% more likely to assist a large low-status group (Turks) than a small
high status-group (Canadians). When probing mechanisms via elite inter-
views, we find that the desire to promote integration and electoral partici-
pation can counteract biases that typically generate discrimination. Among
politicians, factors associated with group size can therefore help reverse
penalties against low-status groups. [R, abr.]
71.7548 ALTIPARMAKIS, Argyrios, et al. — Pandemic politics: policy
evaluations of government responses to COVID-19. West
European Politics 44(5-6), 2021 : 1159-1179.
The COVID-19 crisis has demanded that governments take restrictive
measures that are abnormal for most representativ e democracies. This
article examines the determinants of the public’s evaluations towards
those measures. This article focuses on political trust and partisanship as
potential explanatory factors of evaluations of each government’s health
and economic measures to address the C OVID-19 crisis. To study these
relationships between trust, partisanship and evaluation of measures, data
from a novel comparative panel survey is utilised, comprising eleven de-
mocracies and three waves, conducted in spring 2020. This article pro-
vides evidence that differences in evaluations of the public health and eco-
nomic measures between countries also depend on contextual factors,
such as polarisation and the timing of the measures’ introduction by each
government. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 71.7890]
Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections
781
71.7549 AMIRA, Karyn ; COLE WRIGHT, Jennifer ; GOYA-TOC-
CHETTO, Daniela — In-group love versus out-group hate:
which is more important to partisans and when? Political
Behavior 43(2), June 2021 : 473-494.
Recent evidence indicates that partisans discriminate against those from
the opposing party. However, it is still unclear whether partisan out-group
prejudice reveals a desire for out-group harm or in-group help. We inves-
tigate the conditions under which these tendencies arise. Using one ob-
servational survey and three survey experiments, we show that when
given the chance to either harm the out-group or help the in-group, people
tend to choose the latter. Yet while the tendency to help the in-group ap-
pears to be primary, we also show that under situations of symbolic threat
to partisan identity, respondents shift gears and opt for harming the out-
group as a strategy to defend the status of their political group identity.
These results add to our understanding of how partisan identity and polar-
ization works in non-elites. [R]
71.7550 ARMALY, Miles T. ; ENDERS, Adam M. — The role of affec-
tive orientations in promoting perceived polarization. Po-
litical Science Research and Methods 9(3), July 2021 : 615-
626.
Recent work on political divisions in the mass public has identified several
manifestations of polarization linked to different types of attitudes, orienta-
tions, and behaviors. Of these, affective polarization and perceived polar-
ization have attracted increasing attention, though we still know fairly little
of the links between these variants of polarization. We examine the asso-
ciation between affective and perceived polarization, with an aim toward
disentangling any potential causal relationship between the two pro-
cesses. Using two sets of nationally representative panel data from 1992
to 1996 and 2008 to 2009, we find evidence that affective polarization
causes perceived polarization, and that perceived polarization is not re-
lated to future affective polarization. [R, abr.]
71.7551 ARRIOLA, Leonardo R. ; GROSSMAN, Allison N. — Ethnic
marginalization and (non)compliance in public health
emergencies. Journal of Politics 83(3), July 2021 : 807-820.
Health crises can reveal the inability of governments to induce compliance
with policy interventions. While lack of compliance is conventionally at-
tributed to individual mistrust in government, resistance to such interven-
tions is often found clustered among entire communities, particularly in
ethnically divided societies. We account for such patterns by explaining
how citizens adjust their responses to state authority according to their
shared ethnicity with those in power. We assess the effect of ethnicity on
citizen compliance with a public health advisory on HIV/AIDS issued by
different authority types through a survey-based field experiment in the
West African country of Guinea. Members of a politically marginalized eth-
nic group, the Peul, are significantly less likely to comply with a public
health advisory from a national government representative, the president,
when compared to local or religious leaders. [R, abr.]
71.7552 AVIGUR-ESHEL, Amit ; FILC, Dani — Not merely ideologi-
cal: the political economy of populism in government.
Swiss Political Science Review 27(2), June 2021 : 506-526.
In recent years the study of populism has followed a "pure" political track,
typically employing an ideological perspective. We argue that such a per-
spective downplays material aspects of populism and limits the ability to
analyze populism in government. We rely on the emerging growth model
approach in comparative political economy to study the political economy
of populism in government. We situate populist socio-economic policies,
understood as those policies aiming at improving the material welfare and
wellbeing of "the people", within a growth m odel analysis whose main in-
sight is the association of economic growth with dynamics in the division
of national income between labor and capital. Our empirical analysis of
three successive governments of Israel led by the Likud populist party be-
tween 2009 and 2018 demonstrates the utility of this approach for the
study of populism in government. [R, abr.]
71.7553 AXE-BROWNE, Abigail ; HANSEN, Martin Ejnar — Still divid-
ing the electorate? Brexit and voter evaluation of candi-
dates. Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties 31(2),
2021 : 220-242.
Voters use various cues to make their decision. We examine the impact
of the cue of candidate position on Brexit. Brexit is still on the agenda and
we explore how this topic continues to divide the electorate. We test this
by assessing the general preference of candidates among respondents in
a series of surveys providing variation in the information regarding candi-
dates’ positions on Brexit and party identification. In contrast to existing
literature, we find strong evidence that candidates can utilise either their
own previous voting behaviour or that of their opponent to provide an elec-
toral advantage. Leave supporting candidates are highly rated by leave
voters and poorly rated by remain voters, and vice versa for remain can-
didates, although it is dependent on the party label of the candidate. The
issue of Brexit has a strong impact, but partisanship is mostly of equal
importance for the respondents. [R]
71.7554 AYDOGAN, Abdullah — Party systems and ideological
cleavages in the Middle East and North Africa. Party Poli-
tics 27(4), July 2021 : 814-826.
Previous studies have contrasted the political party systems in the Middle
East and North Africa (MENA) with those in more democratic countries,
raising three important points: (1) the religious–secular dimension, rather
than the economic or social left-right, explains the underlying political party
competition; (2) left-wing politics is relatively weaker than right-wing poli-
tics; and (3) parties that are traditionally known as rightist take left-leaning
positions on numerous issue dimensions, and vice versa. Even though this
particular literature on party politics in the MENA has greatly improved our
understanding of political dynamics in the region, these studies have either
lacked quantitative evidence to support these points or their evidence was
limited to single-country cases. This study aims to address this issue by
analyzing original expert survey data of the ideological positions of political
parties in the MENA region. [R, abr.]
71.7555 AYTAÇ, S. Erdem ; ÇARKOĞLU, Ali — Terror attacks, issue
salience, and party competence: diagnosing shifting vote
preferences in a panel study. Party Politics 27(4), July 2021 :
755-766.
How does a dramatic shift in political context that renders security con-
cerns the most salient electoral issue influence voting? To address this
question, we take advantage of the peculiar timing of elections and height-
ened terror attacks in Turkey with the use of original panel data. The June
2015 Turkish general election resulted in a hung parliament, and a snap
election was held in November. While the period before June was rela-
tively calm, the inter-election period witnessed an upsurge of terror attacks
and casualties. A three-wave panel enables us to track how voters’ elec-
toral preferences changed over this period. Our analyses suggest that the
terror attacks led voters to prioritize parties’ perceived competence in ad-
dressing security concerns at the ballot box. [R, abr.]
71.7556 BACCINI, Leonardo ; LEEMANN, Lucas — Do natural disas-
ters help the environment? How voters respond and what
that means. Political Science Research and Methods 9(3),
July 2021 : 468-484.
This paper examines whether voters’ experience of extreme weather
events such as flooding increases voting in favor of climate protection
measures. While the large majority of individuals do not hold consistent
opinions on climate issues, we argue that the experience of natural disas-
ters can prime voters on climate change and affect political behavior. Us-
ing micro-level geospatial data on natural disasters, we exploit referendum
votes in Switzerland, which allows us to obtain a behavioral rather than
attitudinal measure of support for policies tackling climate change. Our
findings indicate a sizeable effect for pro-climate voting after experiencing
a flood: vote-share supporting pro-climate policies can increase by 20 per-
cent. Our findings contribute to the literature exploring the i mpact of local
conditions on electoral behavior. [R]
71.7557 BAKKAER SIMONSEN, Kristina — Politics feeds back: the
minority/majority turnout gap and citizenship in anti-immi-
grant times. Perspectives on Politics 19(2), June 2021 : 406-
421.
Voting is a democratic virtue and an important mechanism for citizens to
let their voices be heard. However, citizens do not participate in politics at
equal levels, with consequences for their political power. While turnout
gaps between different socio-economic groups are well researched, the
biggest gap in many Western European countries today has been over-
looked: that between the children of immigrants (minority youths) and the
majority population. I argue that existing theories fall short in addressing
this gap because they do not attend to the distinctly political forces that
shape citizens’ relationships to politics. Building on the policy-feedback lit-
erature, and analyzing seventy-one in-depth interviews with minority and
majority youths in Denmark, I show that because these groups are tar-
geted very differently in policy and political discourse, they have substan-
tially different conceptions of politics and their status as citizens. [R, abr.]
[See Abstr. 71.7459]
71.7558 BAKKER, Bert N. ; SCHUMACHER, Gijs ; ROODUIJN, Mat-
thijs — The populist appeal: personality and antiestablish-
ment communication. Journal of Politics 83(2), Apr. 2021 :
589-601.
With the election of D. Trump and landmark wins for populists across Eu-
rope, one of today’s most pressing questions is: Why do people support
populists? We theorize that citizens who score low on the personality trait
agreeableness — those who are more distrusting, cynical, and tough-
minded — are more susceptible to antiestablishment messages ex-
pressed by populists. Using 13 population-based cross-sectional samples
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