IV: Political Process: Public Opinion, Attitudes, Parties, Forces, Groups and Elections/Vie Politique: Opinion Publique, Attitudes, Partis, Forces, Groupes et Élections
| DOI | 10.1177/002083451206200404 |
| Date | 01 August 2012 |
| Published date | 01 August 2012 |
| Subject Matter | Abstracts |
IV
POLITICAL PROCESS : PUBLIC OPINION,
ATTITUDES, PARTIES, FORCES, GROUPS AND ELECTIONS
VIE POLITIQUE : OPINION PUBLIQUE,
ATTITUDES, PARTIS, FORCES, GROUPES ET ÉLECTIONS
62.4862
AALBERG, Toril ; IYENGAR, Shanto ; MESSING, Solomon
62.4866
ALHARGAN, Raed Abdulaziz — Saudi Arabia: civil rights
— Who is a "deserving" immigrant? An experimental
and local actors. Middle East Policy 19(1), Spring 2012 :
study of Norwegian attitudes. Scandinavian Political Stud-
126-139.
ies 35(2), June 2012 : 97-116.
Since the early 2000s, the effectiveness of local actors in Saudi Arabia
No research to date has investigated the parallel relationship between
has gradually been developing. The space for people to pressure the
attributes of individuals and wil ingness to admit these individuals as
government from below has increased, representing a greater challenge.
legal immigrants. This study examines Norwegians’ evaluations of
Local actors have been especially advocating for civil rights and respect
individual immigrants. Using an experimental design, specific attributes
for the law. They arise mainly from the religious establishment, unaffili-
of immigrants are manipulated, making them appear more or less likely
ated government clerics, independent rights activists, local NGOs, and
to make an economic contribution and more or less likely to assimilate
activists and writers with Islamo-liberal orientations. Saudi society's
into Norwegian culture. It is found that the decision to admit individuals is
openness toward international media and the Internet, publicly available
predominantly influenced by the immigrant's economic background.
since 1999, has played a significant role in empowering local actors. The
Norwegians are especial y supportive of highly skil ed immigrants. The
main trigger for local activity has been the violation of the rights to free-
immigrant's race is also relevant, but the effect of racial cues varies
dom from arbitrary arrest and detention, following the arbitrary arrests of
between men and women. The article recommends that immigration
the early 2000s on suspicion of belonging to al-Qaeda. [See Abstr.
researchers measure public support for immigration at both the policy
62.5551]
and individual immigrant levels. [R, abr.]
62.4867
ALTSCHULER, Daniel ; CORRALES, Javier — The spillover
effects of participatory governance: evidence from
62.4863
ABOU-EL-FADL, Reem — The road to Jerusalem through
community-managed
schools
in
Honduras
and
Tahrir Square: anti-Zionism and Palestine in the 2011
Guatemala. Comparative Political Studies 45(5), May 2012 :
Egyptian Revolution. Journal of Palestine Studies 41(2),
636-666.
Winter 2012 : 6-26.
In contrast to more pessimistic studies, we find evidence that civic
participation in one domain of public life can lead to more participation
This article addresses an aspect of Egypt's 2011 revolution almost
elsewhere, what they cal spil over effects. Our findings are based on a
entirely ignored in most Western media accounts: Israel and Palestine as
large survey of participants in community-managed schools throughout
prominent themes of protest. In reviewing Egyptian mobilization oppos-
rural Honduras and Alta Verapaz, Guatemala. Despite various obstacles
ing normalization and in support of the Palestinian cause starting from A.
to spil overs, once initiated, participation can engender further participa-
Sadat's peace initiative of the mid-1970s, the author shows how the anti-
tion. Many participants acquire and apply new skills, and some join new
Mubarak movement that took off as of the mid-2000s built on the Pales-
organizations. These spil over effects are stronger if participants receive
tine activism and networks already in place. While the trigger of the
state support and perceive the participatory arena to be democratic. The
revolution and the focus of its first eighteen days was domestic change,
authors’ optimism, however, remains guarded: Even where spil overs
the article shows how domestic and foreign policy issues (especial y
abound, new groups’ autonomy and scope of action remain limited. In
Israel and Palestine) were inextricably intertwined, with the leadership
short, participatory governance is not a dead-end affair, but its capacity
bodies of the revolution involved in both. [R]
to strengthen civil society local y is not guaranteed. [R]
62.4864
ADAMS, James ; GREEN, Jane ; MILAZZO, Caitlin — Has
62.4868
ALTUN, Fahrettin — Orientalization practices in main-
the British public depolarized along with political elites?
stream Turkish foreign news coverage. Perceptions 16(3),
An American perspective on British public opinion. Com-
Autumn 2012 : 139-166.
parative Political Studies 45(4), Apr. 2012 : 507-530.
This study explores the content, causes and results of Orientalization
The British Labour and Conservative Parties have converged dramati-
practices in mainstream Turkish foreign reporting. The analysis is made
of the "World" pages of the two national newspapers (Hürriyet and
cal y on economic and social welfare policy over the past two decades.
Habertürk), which can be considered the mainstream Turkish media.
The authors ask: has there been a paral el depolarization in the British
News articles published between 5 May-5 June 2010 are analyzed.
mass public's policy attitudes and partisan loyalties, pointing to a general
mechanism that extends beyond the US case? The authors report
Orientalism theories and the cultural strategies of media provide the
basis of analysis. Foreign coverage provides the samples of Orientaliza-
analyses of election survey data from 1987 to 2001 that document
tion discourse and practices in mainstream Turkish media. This study
significant declines in the association between British citizens' policy
suggests that Orientalist perspectives are quite common in “foreign
positions and their partisanship (partisan sorting). However, they find
only modest changes in the dispersion of British respondents' self-
coverage” in the Turkish media. Foreign news reports clearly exhibit the
Orientalization “reflex”, which is one of the most visible legacies of
placements on the policy scales (policy extremity) and in mass attitude
Orientalist cultural strategies. [R]
constraint, defined as the correlations between citizens' positions across
different policy issues. [R, abr.]
62.4869
ALVAREZ, R. Michael ; LEVIN, Ines ; SINCLAIR, J. Andrew
— Making voting easier: convenience voting in the 2008
62.4865
AKKERMAN, Tjitske — Comparing radical right parties in
[US] presidential election. Political Research Quarterly
government: immigration and integration policies in nine
65(2), June 2012 : 248-262.
countries (1996-2010). West European Politics 35(3), May
2012 : 511-529.
The authors analyze the choice of voting mode in the 2008 [US] presi-
dential election using a large-sample survey with national coverage that
This article investigates the direct influence of radical-right parties on
allows a new perspective of convenience voting. Most importantly, they
immigration and integration policies by comparing the output of 27
make clear distinctions among the major forms of convenience voting
cabinets of varying composition in nine countries in the period between
and demonstrate that not all “convenience voters” share the same
1996 and 2010. A Nationalist Immigration and Integration Policy index
attributes. In addition, the authors find little support for the hypothesis
has been developed to measure legislative changes with regard to
that convenience voting methods have partisan implications, despite the
citizenship and denizenship, asylum, il egal residence, family reunion
differences among mail, early, and election-day voters. Results like these
and integration. The comparative analysis of immigration and integration
have important implications for future moves toward convenience voting
legislation shows that the policy output of cabinets including radical-right
and the design of new outreach campaigns. [R]
parties deviates significantly from center-left and center cabinets, but
does not differ much from that of center-right cabinets. The quantitative
62.4870
ANG, Adrian ; PETROCIK, John R. — Religion, religiosity,
analysis makes clear that although parties matter, radical-right parties do
and the moral divide in Canadian politics. Politics and Re-
not matter in particular. [R, abr.]
ligion 5(1), Apr. 2012 : 103-132.
480
Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections
Social group conflict along regional, ethnic, linguistic, and religious
large hole in the literature about how violence and legality intersect with
cleavages is deeply embedded in the Canadian historical experience.
other exploratory factors. We look at both violent and nonviolent organi-
Contemporary analyses, however, have deprecated the role of religion
zations using the Middle East Minorities at Risk Organizational Behavior
and religiosity in shaping Canadians' political attitudes. This analysis
dataset, which has data on over 100 ethnopolitical organizations in the
demonstrates that religion and religiosity are significant correlates of
Middle East. Very few of these organizations are involved in the drug
Canadian attitudes on moral issues, paralleling the pattern observed in
trade and yet all of those are engaged in...
To continue reading
Request your trial