IV Political Process : Public Opinion, Attitudes, Parties, Forces, Groups and Elections / Vie Politique : Opinion Publique, Attitudes, Partis, Forces, Groupes et Élections
| Published date | 01 October 2019 |
| Date | 01 October 2019 |
| DOI | 10.1177/0020834519880802 |
| Subject Matter | Abstracts |
642
IV
POLITICAL PROCESS : PUBLIC OPINION,
ATTITUDES, PARTIES, FORCES, GROUPS AND ELECTIONS
VIE POLITIQUE : OPINION PUBLIQUE,
ATTITUDES, PARTIS, FORCES, GROUPES ET ÉLECTIONS
69.6254 ABELS, Gabriele ; CRESS, Anne — Vom Kampf ums
Frauenwahlrecht zur Parité: Politische Repräsentation
von Frauen gestern und heute (From the fight for wom-
en’s suffrage to parity: political representation of women
in the past and today). Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen
50(1), 2019 : 167-186.
100 years ago, women in Germany received the right to vote and, hence,
formally equal political citizenship with men. Looking at the historical and
international dimension of the women’s suffrage movement shows that
its fight was very committed as well as long-lasting. Until today it is,
however, a neglected part of the history of democracy and also underes-
timated in theoretical terms. Applying a more differentiated and problem-
atized concept of representation as used in gender studies in political
science it becomes clear that some representational deficits have de-
creased, while others still exist. Whether the current debate over the
need for a (French-style) parity law offers a way out of the democratic
dilemma of multi-dimensional representational deficits is also discussed.
[R]
69.6255 ACHEN, Christopher ; WANG, T. Y. — Declining voter
turnout in Taiwan: a generational effect? Electoral Studies
58, Apr. 2019 : 113-124.
Taiwan's voter turnout has declined nearly fifteen percentage points
since the early 2000s. All ages voted less in 2016 than before, but the
drop was particularly severe among younger voters, who turned out at
rates up to twenty percentage points lower than in 2004. Thus Taiwan
resembles other mature democracies like the US, Canada, Sweden, and
Finland, where declining turnout has been shown to afflict the young
disproportionately. However, we argue that this youthful disaffection with
voting is more difficult to interpret than usually believed, and that it may
not represent an inherent attribute of younger cohorts. [R] [See Abstr.
69.6513]
69.6256 ACKLAND, Robert ; HALPIN, Darren R. — Change or
stability in the structure of interest group networks? Evi-
dence from Scottish Public Policy Consultations. Journal
of Public Policy 39(2), June 2019 : 267-294.
Scholars have hotly debated the structure of group engagement in
policymaking. Two aspects of this conversation are examined here. First,
some claim that the “explosion” of organized interests brings with it
increasing fragmentation but also policy “balkanization”. Others suggest
increasing fragmentation, but with overlap between subsectors. A se-
cond area of this debate concerns the existence and number of “central”
or “core” groups. Although existing studies show that, in aggregate, there
is no more policy specialization among United Kingdom organized
interests, we do not know whether this means that there are fewer or
more central groups. In this article, we utilize public policy consultations
in Scotland over a continuous 25-year period, and the tools of network
analysis, to examine the above propositions. [R, abr.]
69.6257 ADEMMER, Esther ; LEUPOLD, Anna ; STÖHR, Tobias —
Much ado about nothing? The (non-)politicisation of the
European Union in social media debates on migration.
European Union Politics 20(2), June 2019 : 305-327.
The widespread view that the refugee crisis has sparked unprecedented
levels of European Union politicization has rarely been backed by sys-
tematic empirical evidence. We investigate this claim using a novel
dataset of several thousand user comments posted below articles of
German regional media outlets on Facebook. Despite considerable
European Union authority in the policy area, extensive media coverage
of the crisis and the rise of a populist party in Germany, our results
suggest that the politicization of Europe remains low among social media
users, especially when compared to national and subnational levels of
governance. When talking about Europe, users hardly refer to European
Union institutions or policies. Instead, other member states and notions
of the geographic or cultural space dominate the debate. [R]
69.6258 ADORF, Philipp — A new blue-collar force: the Alternative
for Germany and the working class. German Politics and
Society 36(4), Winter 2018 : 29-49.
Within a mere five years, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) has estab-
lished itself in the German party system. During the same period, how-
ever, it has undergone a significant ideological transformation as well.
Initially regarded as a direct competitor to the small-government Free
Democrats, the AfD has since adopted the tried-and-tested electoral
approach of other rightwing populist actors by em bracing welfare chau-
vinist positions, linking the survival of the welfa re state to that of the
nation state. In doing so it has made substantial inroads into the blue-
collar electorate, in some German states even overtaking the Social
Democrats as the preferred choice of the working class. [R]
69.6259 ADRAOUI, Mohamed-Ali — The case of Jabhat Al-Nusra in
the Syrian conflict 2011-2016: towards a strategy of na-
tionalization? Mediterranean Politics 24(2), Apr. 2019 : 260-
267.
This piece will deal with one of the main Jihadist actors currently involved
in th e Syrian war: Al-Nusra Front. This will highlight the history of the
movement, its sociology and strategies, the factors that have allowed its
integration into the Syrian landscape, and how it has evolved from 2011
to early 2016. It will more precisely raise the issue that focusing on
military and ideological grounds for explaining al-Nusra’s success is far
from being sufficient. W e are talking about a true ‘Syrianization’ process
that has been smartly managed in the framework of an increasing sec-
tarian divide. [R]
69.6260 AITAMURTO, Kaarina — Discussions about indigenous,
national and transnational Islam in Russia. Religion, State
and Society 47(2), Apr. 2019 : 198-213.
Transnational Islam is increasingly presented in the Russian political
rhetoric as a security threat. Therefore, Russian politicians and authori-
ties attempt to support indigenous or national forms of Islam. Similar
policies are implemented in several western European countries. Yet
they tend to disregard the heterogeneity of the Muslim community, they
create exclusions and they are often conceived as imposing outside
evaluations and interpretations on Islam. This contribution analyses
initiatives intended to develop a national Islam in post-Soviet Russia.
While the aims, methods and problems in different countries are often
quite similar, the values and norms underlying these initiatives vary and
reflect the societies from which they emerge. [R, abr.] [See Abstr.
69.6482]
69.6261 ALDASHEV, Gani ; MASTROBUONI, Giovanni — Invalid
ballots and electoral competition. Political Science Re-
search and Methods 7(2), Apr. 2019 : 289-310.
In close elections, a sufficiently high share of invalid ballots — if driven
by voter mistakes or electoral fraud — can jeopardize the electoral
outcome. We study how the closeness of electoral race relates to the
share of invalid ballots, under the traditional paper-ballot hand-counted
voting technology. Using a large micro-level data set from the Italian
parliamentary elections in 1994-2001, we find a strong robust negative
relationship between the margin of victory of the leading candidate over
the nearest rival and the share of invalid ballots. We argue that this
relationship is not driven by voter mistakes, protest, or electoral fraud.
The explanation that garners most support is that of rational allocation of
effort by election officers and party representatives, with higher rates
of detection of invalid ballots in close elections. [R]
69.6262 ALGARA, Carlos ; HALE, Isaac — The distorting effects of
racial animus on proximity voting in the 2016 [US] elec-
tions. Electoral Studies 58, Apr. 2019 : 58-69.
While the use of racial appeals by the 2016 Trump campaign is indisput-
able, researchers are actively debating their precise role in influencing
Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections
643
voter behavior in the election. We seek to expand upon existing research
which finds that racial animus electorally benefited the Trump campaign.
We examine to what extent those benefits also materialized for GOP
candidates down-ballot and whether racial animus distorted ideological
proximity voting in the 2016 election. We find that racial animus among
voters helped Republicans at multiple ballot levels and that higher levels
of racial animus distorted spatial voting among voters ideologically
closest to the Democratic candidate. [R]
69.6263 ALLEN, Peter ; CUTTS, David — Women are more likely
than men to blame struc tural factors for women's politi-
cal under-representation: evidence from 27 countries.
European Journal of Political Research 58(2), May 2019 :
465-487.
Over time, gender and politics research has made progress in identifying
those factors that result in low numbers of women in political institutions
and in making evidence-informed suggestions about how to ameliorate
them. In contrast, little is known about public opinion regarding these
drivers of women's political under-representation, especially whether to
who or what women assign blame for the under-representation of women
in politics differs from men. This article provides the first discussion and
analysis of blame assignment for women's numeric under-representation
in politics. It outlines and operationalizes a framework that distinguishes
between meritocratic explanations of w omen's under-representation,
whereby the blame for women not holding political office in greater
numbers is assigned to women themselves, and structural explanations,
whereby social forces external to women are seen to result in their
numeric under-representation. [R, abr.]
69.6264 ANAN, Deniz — Ist Opas FDP wirklich tot? Eine Analyse
des FDP-Bundestagswahlprogramms 2017 im Lichte der
strategischen Neuorientierung nach 2013 (Is grandpa’s
FDP really dead? An analysis of the 2017 FDP manifesto
in the light of the strategical repositioning after 2013).
Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft, 2019(1) : 53-75.
After the 2013 electoral defeat, the German Free Democratic Party
(FDP) had to reinvent itself. It could mainly choose between three strate-
gical options: a social liberal positioning, an economic liberal profile, or a
Euroskeptical appearance. Since large-scale revision may result in major
electoral losses, one could not expect a radical break with regard to
content, in spite of the party’s optical relaunch. A qualitative analysis of
the 2017 manifesto tests this hypothesis and concludes that the party
has mainly reclaimed its economic liberal brand essence: Despite some
corrections and concessions to the altered (macro-economical) zeitgeist,
the FDP continues to put competition, efficiency, tax cuts, deregulation,
privatization, flexibilization and self-provision at center stage. [R, abr.]
69.6265 ARNESEN, Sveinung, et al. — Conditional legitimacy: how
turnout, majority size, and outcome affect perceptions of
legitimacy in European Union membership referendums.
European Union Politics 20(2), June 2019 : 176-197.
This conjoint study investigates the type of mandate a referendum
confers in the political decision-making process. While a majority of
citizens in general believe that the government should follow the results
of a referendum on European Union membership, its perceived legitima-
cy in the eyes of the public heavily depends upon the level of turnout, the
size of the majority, and the outcome of the specific referendum in
question. Thus, whether a referendum legitimizes a political decision in
the eyes of the public is conditional upon these three dimensions. [R]
69.6266 ARORA, Maneesh ; STOUT, Christopher T. — Letters or
Black Lives: co-ethnic mobilization and support for the
Black Lives Matter movement. Political Research Quarterly
72(2), June 2019 : 389-402.
Previous research demonstrates that individuals are more open to
persuasion from people who share their race. However, it is not known
whether this relationship holds for Asian Am ericans. We address this
shortcoming by exploring how the race of an author influences support
for, and perceptions of, the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement. Draw-
ing from literature on opinion formation and soc ial identity theory, we
expect that whites will be most persuaded by whites, while Asian Ameri-
cans will not be particularly persuaded by co-ethnic messengers due to
relatively low levels of group identity. To test our hypotheses, we use two
online surveys that oversample Asian American respondents who are
randomly assigned letters in support of BLM written by either an Asian
American author or a white author. [R, abr.]
69.6267 ASAL, Victor H. ; RETHEMEYER, R. Karl ; SCHOON, Eric
W. — Crime, conflict, and the legitimacy trade-off: ex-
plaining variation in insurgents’ participation in crime.
Journal of Politics 81(2), Apr. 2019 : 399-410.
Insurgent organizations have become major players in criminal enter-
prises around the world. However, research examining why some partic-
ipate in crime while others do not remains underdeveloped. Analyzing
newly collected annual data on 140 insurgent groups from 1998 to 2012,
we examine the conditions driving insurgents’ participation in drug
crimes, extortion, smuggling, kidnapping for ransom, and robbery. We
find that control of territory positively affects involvement in all types of
crime. However, we also find notable differences in the conditions driving
participation in episodic crimes versus crimes that require institutional
investments. Institutional crimes are, with the exception of smuggling,
more likely to occur as insurgent groups age, whereas efforts to cultivate
legitimacy — as indicated by the ongoing provision of social services —
substantially reduces the probability of involvement in episodic crimes.
[R, abr.]
69.6268 ASHEEKE, Toivo — "Arming black consciousness": the
formation of the Bokwe Group/Azanian Peop les’ Libera-
tion Front, April 1972-September 1976. Journal of Southern
African Studies 45(1), Feb. 2019 : 69-88.
The Azanian Peoples’ Liberation Front (APLF) was a little-known Black
Consciousness Movement (BCM) organisation that formed in the mid
1970s as a complement to the rising tide of non-violent internal activism
against apartheid oppression in South Africa. Unlike other Black Con-
sciousness (BC) organisations at the time, the APLF embraced armed
struggle and acquired training in exile. This turn to armed struggle was
motivated by the inability of the banned nationalist movements, the
African National Congress (ANC) of South Africa and Pan Africanist
Congress (PAC), to achieve their stated objectives of bringing down
apartheid through force of arms. While the APLF disbanded in Ju-
ly/August 1976 without having fully established itself as an armed wing of
the BCM, and having conducting no armed operations as far as we
know, this article argues that it succeeded as a political project in two
ways. [R, abr.]
69.6269 ATKINS, Judi — Constructing conflict and cooperation:
the rhetoric of coalition bargaining. Party Politics 25(3),
May 2019 : 315-324.
The central contention of this article is that coalition bargaining is perme-
ated by the competing imperatives of unity and distinctiveness, and that
rhetoric is key to managing these. Drawing on Kenneth Burke’s “new
rhetoric”, the article distinguishes three forms of identification and divi-
sion — ideological, instrumental and interpersonal — at work within
coalition bargaining. This framework is applied to the negotiations on
electoral reform that preceded the formation of the UK coalition govern-
ment in 2010. The analysis reveals that, through the rhetoric of identifica-
tion, senior Conservatives and Liberal Democrats discovered ideological
common ground on the equalization of constituency boundaries, together
with a shared interest in promising to hold a referendum on AV, and thus
succeeded in reaching a mutually acceptable agreement on this conten-
tious issue. [R]
69.6270 BAN, Pamela ; YOU Hye Young — Presence and influence
in lobbying: evidence from Dodd-Frank. Business and Pol-
itics 21(2), June 2019 : 267-295.
We study interest group lobbying across two stages of regulatory policy-
making: the congressional and agency rulemaking stages. We investi-
gate how the Securities and Exchange Commission responds to interest
groups at the end of these stages using a new, comprehensive lobbying
dataset on the Dodd-Frank Act. Our approach examines citations in the
SEC's final rules which reference and acknowledge the lobbying activi-
ties of specific interest groups. We find that more than 2,900 organiza-
tions engaged in different types of lobbying activities either during the
congressional bill stage, the agency rulemaking stage, or both. Meetings
with the SEC and hiring former SEC employees are strongly associated
with the citation of an organization in a final rule. Comments submitted
by trade associations and members of Congress are cited more in a final
rule compared to other organizations. [R, abr.]
69.6271 BANKS, Antoine J. ; HICKS, Heather M. — The effective-
ness of a racialized counterstrategy. American Journal of
Political Science 63(2), Apr. 2019 : 305-322.
Our article examines whether a politician charging a political candidate's
implicit racial campaign appeal as racist is an effective political strategy.
According to the racial priming theory, this racialized counterstrategy
should deactivate racism, thereby decreasing racially conservative
whites’ support for the candidate engaged in race baiting. We propose
an alternative theory in which racial liberals, and not racially conservative
whites, are persuaded by this strategy. To test our theory, we focused on
the 2016 presidential election. We ran an experiment varying the politi-
cian (by party and race) calling an implicit racial appeal by Donald Trump
racist. We find that charging Trump's campaign appeal as racist does not
persuade racially conservative whites to decrease support for Trump.
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