IV: Political Process: Public Opinion, Attitudes, Parties, Forces, Groups and Elections Vie Politique: Opinion Publique, Attitudes, Partis, Forces, Groupes et Élections
| Published date | 01 June 2018 |
| DOI | 10.1177/002083451806800304 |
| Date | 01 June 2018 |
| Subject Matter | Article |
361
IV
POLITICAL PROCESS : PUBLIC OPINION,
ATTITUDES, PARTIES, FORCES, GROUPS AND ELECTIONS
VIE POLITIQUE : OPINION PUBLIQUE,
ATTITUDES, PARTIS, FORCES, GROUPES ET ÉLECTIONS
68.3526 ABASCAL, Maria ; CENTENO, Miguel Angel — Who gives,
who takes? “Real America” and contributions to the na-
tion-state. American Behavioral Scientist 61(8), July 2017 :
832-860.
The present study examines four behaviors — military enlistment, voting,
monetary contributions, and census response — to evaluate the claim
that certain parts of the US, and specifically the communities of “real
America,” contribute more than others to the country overall. Consistent
with the words of several electoral candidates, ruralness, religiosity,
political conservatism, and gun culture collectively identify a distinctive
set of communities where residents are both more likely to report “Amer-
ican” as their ancestry and to vote for Republican presidential candi-
dates, including D. Trump. However, visual and statistical evidence
undermine the claim that these communities contribute more than other
parts of the country. Instead, and in several respects, these communities
make smaller contributions to the nation-state than one would expect
based on other characteristics. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.3340]
68.3527 ABĂSEACĂ, Raluca — Between continuities and social
change: extra-parliamentary radical left in post-
communist Romania. East European Politics 34(1), March
2018 : 39-56.
By focusing on the post-communist extra-parliamentary radical left in
Romania, this article analyses the influence of opportunity structures and
of the legacies of the past on the development and social resonance of
left-wing actors in the post-communist context. In order to emphasise the
particularities of the post-communist extra-parliamentary radical left in
Romania, this article looks at the interactions of these actors with the
anti-corruption movement that seeks legitimacy within the same broader
environment. The different outcomes and social resonance of the radical
left actors, on the one hand and of the networks created during the anti-
corruption protests of 2015 and 2017, on the other hand, prove that
mobilisations framed around the issue of corruption have a greater
degree of acceptability. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.3528]
68.3528 ABĂSEACĂ, Raluca ; PIOTROWSKI, Grzegorz — Radical
Left in Central and Eastern Europe. Constraints and op-
portunities. East European Politics 34(1), March 2018 : 1-5.
Radical left is regaining political importance, as well as interest of schol-
ars. In Central and Eastern Europe, the situation is similar. However, the
specific historical, socioeconomic and political circumstances explain the
particularities of social movements and of the left as a whole in the
region. In the introduction to the symposium “Radical left in central and
Eastern Europe. Constraints and opportunities” we aim at briefly present-
ing not only the content of the symposium and of the cases coming from
the Czech Republic, Serbia and Romania, but also a more general
background for the activities of the extra-parliamentary radical left in the
region. [R] [Introduction to a symposium on "Radical Left in Central and
Eastern Europe". See Abstr. 68.3527, 3729, 3765, 4160, 4177, 4221]
68.3529 ABRAHMS, Max ; MIERAU, Jochen — Leadership matters:
the effects of targeted killings on militant group tactics.
Terrorism and Political Violence 29(5), Sept.-Oct. 2017 : 830-
851.
Targeted killings have become a central component of counterterrorism
strategy. In response to the unprecedented prevalence of this strategy
around the world, numerous empirical studies have recently examined
whether “decapitating” militant groups with targeted killings is strategical-
ly effective. This study builds on that research program by examining the
impact of targeted killings o n militant group tactical decision-making. Our
empirical strategy exploits variation in the attack patterns of militant
groups conditional on whether a government’s targeted killing attempt
succeeded against them operationally. [R, abr.]
68.3530 ADORF, Philipp — Feindliche Übernahme oder Fortfüh-
rung eines bewährten Kurses? Eine Analyse von Donald
Trumps Sieg unter Berücksichtigung der Transformation
der Republikanischen Partei (Hostile takeover or contin-
uation of a tried and tested approach? An analysis of
Donald Trump's victory within the context of the Repub-
lican Party' transformation). Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfra-
gen 48(4), 2017 : 861-882.
Donald Trump’s victory in the 2016 presidential election may have taken
many analysts and even scholars by surprise. His victory is the result of
a decades’ long strategic path pursued by the Republican Party and
many of its leading officials. Trump was able to build on the success of
previous generations of Republican politicians in their endeavor to bring
racially resentful working-class whites into the party. This segment of the
population saw President Obama’s time in office as additional evidence
of the degradation of their own social status. It was on the backs of these
voters in particular that Trump not only won the Republican primaries but
was also able to secure over 300 electoral votes and conquer states that
had voted Democratic for decades. [R, abr.]
68.3531 ADUNBI, Omolade — The Facebook President: oil, citi-
zenship, and the social mediation of politics in Nigeria.
PoLAR: Political and Legal Anthropology Review 40(2), Nov.
2017 : 226-244.
On June 28, 2010, Nigerian President Jonathan announced that he had
set up a Facebook page. Within a few days, his first post garnered 1,344
likes and more than 2,139 comments. This article examines how Nigeri-
ans use social media to interact with the state. How do social media
facilitate conversations on what constitutes a national resource? How are
social media creating citizens who are simultaneously anonymous and
visible? It suggests that Facebook and other sites on which Jonathan
established online presences were constructed as political spaces to
interact with the youth of Nigeria, molding that constituency into lo yal
social media citizens ready to align with his aspirations. It also describes
social media as sites on which the politics of claim-making produce the
social mediation of oil as a commonwealth in Nigeria. [R, abr.]
68.3532 AKIRAV, Osnat ; BEN -HORIN, Yael — The four anchors
model — women political participation. World Political
Science 12(2), 2016 : 241-259.
This paper examines the causes of the increase in the number of women
candidates in local Israeli government elections during October 2013. To
do so, it develops a new model called the four anchors model based on
(1) authentic leadership, (2) organizations with gender awareness, (3)
practices that provide organized training for women only and (4) network-
ing for women. Establishment of each one of the anchors with synergy
among all four of them will encourage more women to be active in
political life at the local level. The research combines mixed research
methods based on seven different information sources such as ques-
tionnaires, interviews, content-analysis of newsletters from the Local
Councilwomen’s Union, observations and informal talks with women
council members. [R]
68.3533 ALAM, Jobair — The Rohingya of Myanmar: theoretical
significance of the minority status. Asian Ethnicity 19(2),
March 2018 : 180-210.
The Rohingya of Myanmar have been experiencing a range of human
rights violations including state-sponsored genocide and ethnic cleans-
ing. Many argue that the genesis of the crisis lies in the denial of the ir
legal status and granting citizenship would offer a solution. This article
argues that apart from such legal dynamics, significant theoretical as-
pects of this crisis require analysis. The Rohingya’s identity as a minority
is important, as it leads to their persecution. Their minority identity has
been (re)constructed over time. Four factors such as (1) development of
Burmese nationalism; (2) politicisation of identity for Burmese majority;
(3) taking away of the citizenship of Rohingya; and (4) ethnic divisions in
Myanmar society have played significant roles in (re)constructing their
identity as a minority. [R, abr.]
68.3534 ALEXANDER, Saowanee T. ; McCARGO, Duncan — War of
words: Isan redshirt activists and discourses of Thai
democracy. South East Asia Research 24(2), June 2016 :
222-241.
Political process : public opinion, attitudes, parties, forces, groups and elections
362
Thai grassroots activists known as ‘redshirts’ (broadly aligned with
former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra) have been characterized
according to their socio-economic profile, but despite pioneering works
such as Buchanan (2013), Cohen (2012) and Ünaldi (2014), there is still
much to learn about how ordinary redshirts voice their political stances.
This article is based on a linguistic approach to discourse-analysis and
builds on Fairclough’s (2003) arguments concerning the ways in which
speakers use intertextuality and assumption to construct social and
political difference and consensus. It specifically explores redshirt under-
standings of democracy by examining intertextuality and presupposition
through various linguistic strategies. It [addresses] these questions: What
are grassroots redshirt protesters’ understandings of democracy? How
do they articulate those understandings verbally? [R, abr.]
68.3535 ALLEN, Nicholas — "Brexit means Brexit": Theresa May
and post-referendum British politics. British Politics 13(1),
Apr. 2018 : 105-120.
T. May became prime minister in July 2016 as a direct result of the Brexit
referendum. This article examines he r political inheritance and leader-
ship in the immediate wake of the vote. It analyses the factors that led to
her victory in the ensuing Tory leadership contest and explores both the
main challenges that confronted her and the main features of her re-
sponse to them. During her first 9 months in office, May gave effect to
the referendum, defined Brexit as entailing Britain’s removal from mem-
bership of the EU’s single market and customs union and sought to
reposition her party. However, her failure to secure a majority in the 2017
general election gravely weakened her authority and the viability of her
plans. It is unclear how much longer her premiership can last. [R, abr.]
68.3536 ALLEN, Peter ; CUTTS, David — An analysis of political
ambition in Britain. Political Quarterly 89(1), Jan.-March
2018 : 73-81.
Representative democracies require sufficient numbers of citizens to put
themselves forward as candidates for political office. Existing studies
have shown that political institutions are not representative of the popula-
tion as a whole, suggesting that political ambition is not evenly distribut-
ed across all potential candidates. We discuss evidence from the first
systematic study of political ambition in Britain, examining the question of
who is interested in putting themselves forward for political office. We
find patterns in th e distribution of political ambition that help to explain
why British political institutions do not look like the British people as a
whole and include a gender gap, a social class gap, an education gap, a
north-south divide, and a personality gap. [R, abr.]
68.3537 ALMÉN, Oscar — Participatory innovations under authori-
tarianism: accountability and responsiveness in Hang-
zhou’s social assessment of government performance.
Journal of Contemporary China 110, March 2018 : 165-179.
This article examines the role of participatory governance innovations in
China. First, it explores the logic and dynamics behind participatory
innovations in China. Second, it examines in what way a participatory
innovation in Hangzhou can lead to increased accountability and respon-
siveness of the local government. Participatory innovations in China are
used as a way to improve the Party-state’s governing capability and
thereby strengthen the legitimacy and power of the Communist Party.
Despite some limitations related to the evaluation of politically powerful
Party and government departments, social assessment of government
performance in Hangzhou serves as an input channel from society that
put pressure on many government departments. The study finds that by
allowing limited and controlled political participation, transparency and
accountability to develop, the reform in Hangzhou improves the respon-
siveness of the political system. [R] [First of a series of articles on "Citi-
zenship and governance at the local level in China. Part. I". See also
Abstr. 68.3616, 3680]
68.3538 AMENGAY, Abdelkarim ; DUROVIC, Anja ; MAYER, Nonna
— L'impact du genre sur le vote Marine Le Pen (The im-
pact of gender on the vote for Marine Le Pen). Revue
française de Science politique 67(6), Dec. 2017 : 1067-1088.
The "Radical Right Gender Gap" refers to the greater reluctance of
women to support these parties. It was obvious in the Jean-Marie le Pen
era, much less since his daughter succeeded him. In the 2012 presiden-
tial election, all else equal, women voted for her in the same proportion
than men. Then in the following mid-term elections, the gender gap
reappeared and it disappeared again in the 2017 presidential election.
This article tries to explain these variations by exploring the combined
effects of gender, generational belonging, and personality traits on Le
Pen votes, with data from the French Election Studies (1988-2017).
[R][See Abstr. 68.3573]
68.3539 ANDERSON, Miriam J. ; GILLIES, Jamie — There for the
moment: extra-legislative windows of opportunity for
women’s social movements in politics, a comparison of
Canada and Northern Ireland. Commonwealth and Com-
parative Politics 56(2), 2018 : 157-176.
This article considers the role and influence of women’s groups and
larger national women’s social movements during two different constitu-
tional moments: the lead-up to the finalisation of the 1982 patriation of
the Canadian Constitution and the lead-up to the 1998 Good Friday
agreement in Northern Ireland. We argue that while women were su c-
cessful in ensuring women’s participation and consideration of women’s
issues in these constitutional negotiations, those accomplishments did
not lead to a significant increase of women’s representation in formal
politics. In both the Canadian government-sponsored National Action
Committee on the Status of Women and the political party, the Northern
Ireland Women’s Coalition, women’s descriptive representation in formal
politics did not improve dramatically as a result of women’s participation
in either constitutional process. [R, abr.]
68.3540 ANSOLABEHERE, Stephen ; PUY, M. Socorro — Measur-
ing issue-salience in voters' preferences. Electoral Studies
51, Feb. 2018 : 103-114.
We provide a new approach to the measurement of issue salience that
explains how the salience of an issue among voters and the position of
the parties on a given issue interact to each other and determine vote
choices and aggregate election results. Analyzing the spatial model of
voting, we show how voting probabilities can be estimated by a multino-
mial logit regression where the ideal policy locations of voters on each
issue dimensions are independent variables, and where no individual
specific perception about the location of the political parties is used in the
regression. The pieces of survey information that are used to calculate
issue-salience are: 1) specific position of respondents on each issue
dimension, 2) vote choice, and 3) the policy position of parties on each
issue dimension, which is measured by the mean perceived position.
Rather, only an aggregate estimate of party positions on issues is need-
ed. [R, abr.]
68.3541 AOLÁIN, Fionnuala Ní — The feminist institutional dimen-
sions of power-sharing and political settlements. Nation-
alism and Ethnic Politics 24(1), 2018 : 116-132.
This article applies key insights from feminist institutionalist analysis to
power-sharing and political settlement in post-conflict societies. Drawing
on the concept of “gender orders,” allied with considerations of the
informal and highly masculine rituals and rules that pervade institutional
political life, the article demonstrates how apparent gendered gains in
power-sharing are limited in their transformative effect. Despite a greater
emphasis on female inclusion, as mandated by United Nations Security
Council Resolution 1325, women's capacity to shape post-conflict politics
in power-sharing is limited. These limitations are shaped not only by the
complexity of post-conflict political landscapes but by women's restricted
access to closed informal spaces pivotal to the masculine functioning of
power-sharing. The tendency to view women's contributions in highly
essentialized and feminized ways undercuts and devalorizes women's
political work in power-sharing institutions. [R] [See Abstr. 68.3127]
68.3542 ARAS, Ilhan — The 2014 European Parliament elections.
Ankara Avrupa Çalişmalari Dergisi 16(1), 2017 : 1-32.
Since 1979, elections for the EP every five years are very important in
terms of formation of a EU institution. The EP which will work until 2019
is comprised in the elections which were held in May 2014. 2014 Euro-
pean elections are agreed as an important election on the grounds that
first election both its effects on election of European Commission Presi-
dent and in the process of debt crisis. In this context, firstly, turnout
dimension of 2014 elections is dealt with. In next chapter, election results
are examined in detail. Finally, situation of Euroskeptic parties/groups
which come to the forefront in elections is shown. It is emphasized that
distinct results of elections are low turnout rate and rise of Euroskeptic
votes. [R]
68.3543 ARK-YILDIRIM, Ceren — Political parties and grassroots
clientelist strategies in urban Turkey: one neighbour-
hood at a time. South European Society and Politics 22(4),
Dec. 2017 : 473-490.
Both principal Turkish political parties make extensive use of patron-
client networks, but in very different ways. The CHP relies on competing
local brokers and synchronous vote buying. The AKP is at the centre of a
network of public and private funding turning social policy to clientelist
ends. Socially anchored AKP activists link the party to voters, allowing it
to target social assistance for political advantage and take credit for
improvement in local conditions. The case presented in this paper pro-
vides a natural experiment suggesting that this distinction is an important
explanation for the AKP’s electoral success in low-income urban areas.
[R]
Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections
363
68.3544 ARPAD, Todor — Strengthening civil society beyond the
"assistance-for-democratization" era. Lessons from Ro-
mania. Revista română de Ştiinţe politice (Romanian Journal
of Political Science) 17(2), Winter 2017 : 41-59.
This article investigates the puzzling observation that, despite the vigor-
ous mass protests that have taken place since 2012 and mobilized
Romanian civil society against attempts to implement unpopular policies
in fields such as health, environment or justice, and which have led to the
fall of two cabinets, the NGO sector suffers from structural w eaknesses
and has a limited capacity to systematically influence public policies,
especially in the post-EU accession environment. This weakness has
contributed to the fact that, despite the EU accession process, the
quality, level of transparency and accountability of government have not
significantly improved in the last decade. This article questions: what
explains the intensity of activity and tactics of Romanian NGOs in the
context of post-EU accession? [R, abr.]
68.3545 ASHWORTH, Scott ; BUENO DE MESQUITA, Ethan ;
FRIEDENBERG, Amanda — Learning about voter rational-
ity. American Journal of Political Science 62(1), Jan. 2018 :
37-54.
An important empirical literature evaluates whether voters are rational by
examining how electoral outcomes respond to events outside the control
of politicians, such as natural disasters or economic shocks. The argu-
ment is that rational voters should not base electoral decisions on such
events, so evidence that these events affect electoral outcomes is
evidence of voter irrationality. We show that such events can affect
electoral outcomes, even if voters are rational and have instrumental
preferences. The reason is that these events change voters' opportuni-
ties to learn new information about incumbents. Thus, identifying voter
(ir)rationality requires more than just identifying the impact of exo genous
shocks on electoral fortunes. Our analysis highlights systematic ways in
which electoral fortunes are expected to change in response to events
outside incumbents' control. Such results can inform empirical work
attempting to identify voter (ir)rationality. [R]
68.3546 ASMUSSEN, Nicole ; RAMEY, Adam — When loyalty is
tested: do party leaders use com mittee assignments as
rewards? Congress and the Presidency 45(1), 2018 : 41-65.
Theories of parties in Congress contend that one tool that party leaders
possess to induce loyalty among rank-and-file members is control over
committee assignments, but conventional tests of this linkage have failed
to distinguish loyalty from simply voting one's preferences in accordance
with party leaders. We characterize loyal legislators as having a higher
propensity for voting with party leaders when it matters, even when their
preferences diverge from the mainstream of their party. Testing this
strong definition of loyalty on committee assignment data for 1991-2015,
we show that majority party members who support their party on the
subset of votes for which party leaders have taken positions in floor
speeches are more likely to be rewarded with plum committee assign-
ments, especially those members on the ideological extremes. [R]
68.3547 ATKINSON, David ; RAMBLADO, Cinta — Democratic
credentials and the "other(s)" in the discourse of the
Spanish Partido Popular, 1977-2015. Journal of Language
and Politics 17(1), 2018 : 5-23.
In this paper we argue that aspects of the discourse of the governing
party in Spain at the time of writing, the Partido Popular [PP], and its
predecessor (1976-1989), Alianza Popular [AP], reveal a marked conti-
nuity in its self-presentation and its representation of its adversaries,
spanning the entire period from its origins in the immediate post-Franco
period of the late 1970s to the present. We conclude that the type of
construction we describe can be found in the discourse of many of the
party’s most prominent figures, that it is central to the entire historical
trajectory of AP/PP, and in some cases is in the process of becoming if
anything more explicit. [R]
68.3548 AYEE, Joseph R. A. — Ghana's elections of 7 December
2016: a post-mortem. South African Journal of International
Affairs 24(3), Sept. 2017 : 311-330.
Ghana went to presidential and parliamentary polls on 7 December
2016, leading to the defeat of President John Mahama and the National
Democratic Congress government by the opposition, the New Patriotic
Party led by Nana Akufo-Addo. The outcome of the elections therefore
followed in the same vein as those held in Ghana in 2000 and 2008, in
which the incumbent party lost to the opposition. This article is based on
a desk-study review of the 2016 elections. There is a brief overview of
the state of affairs in Ghana's electoral politics, followed by a discussion
of Ghana's electoral reforms, the organisation and management of the
elections, the candidates and the campaigns, and the outcome of the
elections, as well as some of the challenges that faced the transition
process. [R]
68.3549 BAERG, Nicole Rae ; HOTCHKISS, Julie L. ; QUISPE AG-
NOLI, Myriam — Documenting the unauthorized: political
responses to unauthorized immigration. Economics and
Politics 30(1), March 2018 : 1-26.
Cultural prejudice rather than self-interest is the conventional wisdom for
why voters respond negatively to immigration. Using a new measure of
unauthorized immigrants based on self-reported invalid social security
numbers, we show that voters’ responses are more nuanced than mere
prejudice against minorities. Using county-level data from the US state of
Georgia, we find that voters in counties with above median levels of
unauthorized workers are more likely to support the Republican Party.
We also find that wealthier counties and wealthier voters are most likely
to respond negatively to the unauthorized. Our evidence warns against
arguments that depict opposition to immigration as motivated solely by
xenophobia and cultural fears among lower income Whites. [R]
68.3550 BAILER, Stefanie — To use the whip or not: whether and
when party group leaders use disciplinary measures to
achieve voting unity. International Political Science Review
39(2), March 2018 : 163-177.
Party group leaders seemingly use a variety of disciplinary measures to
achieve unified voting behavior in party groups. However, there is little
systematic knowledge about the nature of such disciplinary measures
and the interaction between leaders and group members remains a black
box. Most studies of party voting concentrate on institutional variables
such as electoral systems and take disciplinary measures as a given.
This study presents a new way to measure party discipline, based on
data from semi-structured interviews with 76 party group leaders and
experts from five European parliaments. The discipline index provided
here is the first to consider in a systematic way the means available to
reprimand or reward party group members. [R, abr.]
68.3551 BAILEY, David J. — Misperceiving matters, again: stag-
nating neoliberalism, Brexit and the pathological re-
sponses of Britain’s political elite. British Politics 13(1),
Apr. 2018 : 48-64.
This article locates the Brexit vote in the context of British capitalism’s
period of neoliberal stagnation that it entered in 2008, and an associated
problem of over-politicisation. For both the Conservative Party and
Labour Party leaderships, the attempt to respond to these problems has
seen the adoption of contradictory governing strategies, each with
associated pathologies. Within the Conservative Party leadership, we
witness the adoption of a contradictory anti-immigrant discourse that
sought to legitimate a neoliberal programme of austerity and free trade,
but which rested upon access to the single European market. With the
Labour Party leadership, we saw a strategy that attempted to legitimate
its tacit acceptance of the need for austerity, with the promise of promot-
ing “Social Europe” at some unspecified period in the future, despite the
fact that “Social Europe” had proven consistently impossible to realise.
[R, abr.]
68.3552 BANDUCCI, Susan, et al. — Model selection in observa-
tional media effects research: a systematic review and
validation of effects. Political Science 69(3), 2017 : 227-
246.
Media effects research has produced mixed findings about the size and
direction of the relationship between media consumption and public
attitudes. We investigate the extent to which model choices contribute to
these inconsistent findings. We first review the use of different models in
contemporary studies and their main findings. We [then] consider the
implications for national election studies attempting to measure media
effects in election campaigns and recreate these models with the British
Election Study 2005-2010 panel data. We compare the direction and size
of effects of media content on attitude change across: between-subjects,
within-elections models, in which the effects of individual-level variance
in media exposure and content are assessed; within-subjects, within-
elections models, which compare the effects of variance in media con-
tent for the s ame individual; and within-subjects, between-elections
models that allow us to analyse the links between media content and
exposure with attitude change over time. [R]
68.3553 BANERJEE, Vasabjit ; BHATTACHARYA, Srobana ; JHA,
Anand — Inequality and elections: the nationwide origins
and state-level dynamics of India's Maoist insurgency.
Asian Affairs: An American Review 44(1-4), Jan.-Sept. 2017 :
72-97.
This article investigates the causes of India's Maoist insurgency and its
changing dynamics. To explain its origins, we empirically test three
hypotheses using cross-state-level data: inequality of wealth in states;
inefficient state government; and, disgruntled provocateurs. Our analysis
reveals that insurgency is caused by inequality of wealth in states, not
inefficient state governments and disgruntled provocateurs. Subsequent-
To continue reading
Request your trial