IV Political Process : Public Opinion, Attitudes, Parties, Forces, Groups and Elections / Vie Politique : Opinion Publique, Attitudes, Partis, Forces, Groupes et Élections
| DOI | 10.1177/0020834519892867 |
| Date | 01 December 2019 |
| Published date | 01 December 2019 |
| Subject Matter | Abstracts |
757
IV
POLITICAL PROCESS : PUBLIC OPINION,
ATTITUDES, PARTIES, FORCES, GROUPS AND ELECTIONS
VIE POLITIQUE : OPINION PUBLIQUE,
ATTITUDES, PARTIS, FORCES, GROUPES ET ÉLECTIONS
69.7339 ADAMS, Melinda J. ; SCHERPEREEL, John A. ; WYLIE,
Kristin N. — The adoption of women’s legislative caucus-
es worldwide. International Feminist Jou rnal of Politics
21(2), May 2019 : 249-270.
This article identifies and explains trends in the adoption of one kind of
gender-focused parliamentary institution — women’s legislative caucus-
es (WLCs). We use a discrete time-duration model to assess the effect
of several factors on WLC establishment. While there is theoretical room
to expect diffusion, structural and institutional variables to affect the
likelihood of caucus adoption, we find the strongest empirical support for
diffusion and institutional factors. A parliament’s likelihood of adopting a
WLC rises when sub-regional peers have created WLCs, when women’s
international NGOs are active in the country and when the country has
implemented a gender quota. Understanding the factors that affect the
adoption of gender-focused parliamentary institutions is critically im-
portant, we argue, since such bodies provide space to confront masculin-
ized institutionalized rules and norms. [R, abr.]
69.7340 AFOLABI, Olugbemiga Samuel — Political elites and
anticorruption campaigns as “deep” politics of democra-
cy: a comparative study of Nigeria and South Africa. Tai-
wan Journal of Democracy 15(1), July 2019 : 59-181.
Studies of elite corruption and anticorruption have provided insight into
their embeddedness in political and democratic processes. Since the
return to democracy in 1999 in Nigeria, and independence in 1994 in
South Africa, there has been grow ing interest in the relationship among
corruption, anticorruption, and democracy. Despite these early advances
of the study of elite corruption, the many ways that elite corruption and
efforts against it have become part of the “hidden transcripts” of power
and democracy in Africa remain unexamined. Using secondary data, this
research examines corruption and the need for its reduction as a crucial
ingredient in the politics of democracy in contemporary Africa. From a
comparative perspective, the study focuses on the relationship between
democracy and its antithesis, corruption, as one of mutual entanglement
and co-constitutive aspects of politics in two African states: Nigeria in
Anglophone West Africa and South Africa in Southern Africa. [R, abr.]
69.7341 AITALIEVA, Nurgul R. ; PARK, Sinyoung — Political trust,
ideology, and public support in the United States for
government spending on health care. International Journal
of Public Administration 42(9), July 2019 : 776-785.
The US health-care costs have increased at a rapid rate over the last
several decades. How much responsibility the government should bear
with the increase in health-care costs is one of the main questions that
lack consensus among the American people. Utilizing the 2016 General
Social Survey data, this study shows that over two-thirds of Americans
want to see more or much more spending on health care by the govern-
ment. An ordered logit regression model shows that political trust and
ideology are significant correlates in predicting attitudes toward govern-
ment spending on health care. The policy implications of the findings are
discussed in the “Conclusion” section. [R]
69.7342 ALDAG, Austin M. — Who votes for mayor? Evidence
from midsized American cities. Local Government Studies
45(4), 2019 : 526-545.
Who, or what, governs the mosaic of the almost 39,000 general purpose
local governments across the US? While the determinants of voter
turnout in both national and sub-national elections have been well stud-
ied, there is a dearth of empirical literature examining voter turnout at the
municipal level. Utilizing an original dataset of 356 midsized US cities
drawn from the Midwest, South, and Northeast regions, this paper
ponders the drivers of mayoral turnout, and asks if electoral timing,
competitiveness, or characteristics of the electorate best predict turnout.
Sequenced hierarchical linear models and OLS regressions are em-
ployed to control for sub-national effects, and model results indicate that
election timing greatly dictate who governs midsized American cities. [R,
abr.]
69.7343 ALGARA, Carlos — The conditioning role of polarization
in US Senate election outcomes: a direct-election era &
voter-level analysis. Electoral Studies 59, June 2019 : 1-16.
Recent work finds that a decline in the incumbency advantage coincides
with the rise of partisanship as a determinant of congressional electoral
outcomes. While this work updates our view of congressional elections, it
is unclear if this holds in the more candidate-centered and high-
information electoral context of the US Senate. I address these two
considerations by evaluating a theory positing that polarization conditions
the influence of incumbency and partisanship as Senate election deter-
minants. Using data on the entire direct-election Senate era and survey
data, this paper finds that: (1) polarization provides a partisan advantage
for candidates running in states in which they are members of the parti-
san majority and (2) polarization positively conditions the incumbency
advantage for Senators representing states that favor the other party. [R,
abr.]
69.7344 AN, Jungbae ; YOO, In Tae — Internet governance re-
gimes by epistemic community: formation and diffusion
in Asia. Global Governance 25(1), March 2019 : 123-148.
Global Internet governance is unique in that it officially adopted a multi-
stakeholder decision making procedure instead of a state-driven interna-
tional cooperation modality. We focus on the role of the Internet epistem-
ic community in Asia, which can explain the emergence of the current
norms of Internet coordination and the Internet governance structure. By
sharing the most advanced knowledge from global discussions and by
organizing regional cooperation platforms starting from the early 1980s,
Asian Internet technical professionals created Internet coordination
norms based on open contribution and led the stewardship from the early
stage of Internet development in the region. We show that the Internet
epistemic community in Asia has played a critical role in designing and
managing the current formation of regional Internet governance regimes.
[R, abr.]
69.7345 ANSPACH, Nicolas M. ; DRAGULJIĆ, Gorana — Effective
advocacy: the psychological mechanisms of environ-
mental issue framing. Environmental Politics 28(4), June
2019 : 615-638.
While environmental issues are among the most serious threats to
human security, they tend to rank toward the bottom of Americans’
priorities for political action. To redress this, environmental organizations
strategically frame their mobilization communications in an attempt to
garner the public’s support. Advocacy research groups encourage the
use of motivational, economic and personal frames because of their
ability to mobilize support through distinct psychological processes:
efficacy, psychological proximity and emotion. An experimental study is
conducted that tests the extent to which these mechanisms mediate
environmental frames’ effects on support for an environmental campaign.
Results of this study lead to the conclusion that motivational frames are
unable to elicit efficacy in the target audience, thus proving ineffectual at
influencing attitudes or behaviors. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 69. 7448]
69.7346 ARIAS, Eric,, et al. — Information provision, voter coordi-
nation, and electoral accountability: evidence from Mexi-
can social networks. American Political Science Review
113(2), May 2019 : 475-498.
How do social networks moderate the way political information influences
electoral accountability? We propose a simple model in which incumbent
malfeasance revelations can facilitate coordination around less malfea-
sant challenger parties in highly connected voter networks, even when
voters update favorably about incumbent party malfeasance. We provide
evidence from Mexico of this mechanism by leveraging a field experi-
ment in a context where the provision of incumbent malfeasance infor-
mation increased support for incumbent parties, despite voters continu-
ing to believe that challengers were less malfeasant than incumbents.
Combining this experiment with detailed family network data, we show
that — consistent with the model — the increase in incumbent party
vote-share due to information provision w as counteracted by coordina-
Political process : public opinion, attitudes, parties, forces, groups and elections
758
tion around less malfeasant challengers in precincts with greater network
connectedness. [R, abr.]
69.7347 BAGLIONI, Simone ; BIOSCA, Olga ; MONTGOMERY, Tom
— Brexit, division, and individual solidarity: what future
for Europe? Evidence from eight European countries.
American Behavioral Scientist 63(4), Apr. 2019 : 538-550.
Solidarity among member states, one of the EU’s fundamental values,
has recently been put to the test by numerous and diverse challenges
that have led to a “crisis of solidarity.” In the UK, the decision in June
2016 by the electorate to vote to leave the E U revealed the British
dimension of this crisis. However, little is known about the perceptions of
other European citizens on this decision, even though it has contributed
to shaping the present and future of the EU. Using a representative
survey conducted in eight European countries, including the UK , we
explore and contrast cross-country evidence on individual perceptions on
Brexit. We then establish if an association exists between the opinions
on Brexit and the individual solidaristic attitudes and concrete behaviors
of the survey respondents. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 69. 7792]
69.7348 BAKER, Andy ; RENNO, Lucio — Nonpartisans as false
negatives: the mismeasurement of party identification in
public opinion surveys. Journal of Politics 81(3), July 2019 :
906-922.
We argue that most survey measures of partisanship are misclassifying
many respondents as nonpartisans. Common wordings, especially those
in major cross-national surveys, violate well-established best practices in
questionnaire design by reading aloud a nonpartisanship option. This is
akin, we show, to the taboo of inviting no-opinion responses. Conse-
quently, most wordings produce high rates of false negatives, meaning
respondents with partisan leanings who nonetheless choose the nonpar-
tisan response. Our analysis of experimental and observational data
from four countries (Brazil, M exico, Russia, US) shows that nearly a
quarter of respondents are false negatives when read an easy nonparti-
san opt out. We demonstrate that wordings that remedy this problem by
not inviting nonpartisan responses have greater measurement validity.
[R, abr.]
69.7349 BARTHELEMY, Fabrice ; MARTIN, Mathieu ; PIGGINS,
Ashley — The 2016 election: like 1888 but not 1876 or
2000. PS 52(1), Jan. 2019 : 20-24.
Donald Trump won the 2016 US presidential election with fewer popular
votes than Hillary R. Clinton. This is the fourth time this has happened,
the others being 1876, 1888, and 2000. In earlier work, we analyzed
these elections (and others) and showed how the electoral winner can
often depend on the size of the US House of Representatives. This work
was inspired by M. G. Neubauer and J. Zeitlin [“Outcomes of presidential
elections and the House size”, ibid. 36(4), Oct. 2003; Abstr. 54.7403]. A
sufficiently larger House would have given electoral victories to the
popular vote winner in both 1876 and 2000. An exception is the election
of 1888. We show that Trump’s victory in 2016 is like Harrison’s in 1888
and unlike Hayes’s in 1876 and Bush’s in 2000. [R, abr.]
69.7350 BÉLOT, Céline — Exploring the democratic linkage
through the lens of governmental polling: a research
agenda. French Politics 17(2), June 2019 : 211-226.
For the last few decades, liberal democracies have been confronted with
new challenges such as low turnout, high electoral volatility, the electoral
success of populist movements and growing dissatisfaction with the
political system. These challenges have persuaded scholars to develop
new insights into the democratic linkage, hence the growing body of
works focusing on the link between public opinion and public policies.
Examining this literature, government opinion polls appear both as the
central apparatus through with public opinion and public policies interact
and as mostly a black box. I first unveil the function and the role attribut-
ed by scholars to government opinion polling when investigating the
democratic linkage, then propose a review of the few empirical studies
which have attempted to disentangle its use by diverse political authori-
ties and finally to outline a research agenda. [R, abr.]
69.7351 BENITO, Bernardino, et al. — Do the illegal and legal rents
of politicians affect municipal election outcomes? Local
Government Studies 45(4), 2019 : 546-568.
This paper aims to analyze whether illegal (corruption) and legal rent
extraction (high politicians’ wages) affect electoral outcomes at municipal
level. We use an initial sample of 145 Spanish municipalities over 50,000
for two electoral periods: 2004-2007 (before the crisis) and 2008-2011
(during the crisis). Our findings show that neither illegal nor legal rent
extraction impact on re-election in non-crisis times. However, we observe
that citizens penalize legal rent extraction in the ballots during the crisis.
Regarding the economic performance of the local governments, we find
that its effect on re-election is important in non-crisis period. Neverthe-
less, in time of crisis, given that the economic situation is bad in gen eral
in the country, voters pay less attention to economic factors and focus on
politicians’ behavior. [R]
69.7352 BERINSKY, Adam J. ; CHATFIELD, Sara ; LENZ, Gabriel —
Facial dominance and electoral success in times of war
and peace. Journal of Politics 81(3), July 2019 : 1096-1100.
Do voters prefer dominant looking candidates in times of war? By repli-
cating previous survey experiments, we find that respondents do prefer
candidates with dominant facial features when war is salient. We then
investigate whether these survey results generalize to the real world.
Examining US Senate elections from 1990 to 2006, we test whether
voters prefer candidates with dominant facial features in wartime elec-
tions more than in peacetime elections. In contrast with the survey
studies, we find that dominant-looking candidates appear to gain a slight
advantage in all elections but have no special advantage in wartime
contexts. We discuss possible explanations for the discrepancy between
the findings and conduct additional experiments to investigate one
possible explanation: additional information about candidates may
rapidly erode the wartime preference for dominant looking candidates.
[R, abr.]
69.7353 BIRKHEAD, Nathaniel A. ; HERSHEY, Marjorie Randon —
Assessing the ideological extremism of American party
activists. Party Politics 25(4), July 2019 : 495-506.
We investigate whether it is appropriate to generalize about the ideologi-
cal and demographic characteristics of American party activists. Many
studies on party polarization emphasize the role of activists in encourag-
ing the divisions within the parties, and in so doing, commonly treat
activists as a homogeneous group. Here, we show that different forms of
political activity attract systematically different types of individuals.
Similarly, we show that ideological extremism is more strongly associat-
ed with some forms of activism than others. Importantly, we find that
extremism is most strongly associated with the forms of activity that are
most likely to influence elected officials through the provision of re-
sources, information or support in a nomination. [R, abr.]
69.7354 BLACKBURN, Matthew — Discourses of Russian-
speaking youth in Nazarbayev’s Kazakhstan: Soviet leg-
acies and responses to nation-building. Central Asian
Survey 38(2), June 2019 : 217-236.
Research into post-independence identity shifts among Kazakhstan’s
Russian-speaking minorities has outlined a number of possible path-
ways, such as diasporization, integrated national minority status and
ethnic separatism. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with young
people in Almaty and Karaganda, I examine how Russian-speaking
minorities identify with the state and imagine their place in a ‘soft’ or
‘hybrid’ post-Soviet authoritarian system. What is found is that Russian-
speaking minorities largely accept their status beneath the Kazakh ‘elder
brother’ and do not wish to identify as a ‘national minority’. [R, abr.]
69.7355 BÖCSKEI, Baláz ; MOLNÁR, Csaba — The radical right in
government? — Jobbik’s pledges in Hungary’s legisla-
tion (2010-2014). East European Politics 35(1), March 2019 :
1-20.
Since 2010, Hungary’s public discourse has often been seen as the
recurring topic Fidesz, a party alliance elected with a qualified majority,
actually implementing the program of Jobbik, a radical right-wing opposi-
tion party. Analyzing the electoral manifestos of the two parties, our
paper investigates which party’s agenda has more similarities to the
legislative agenda of the 2010-2014 term as well as what strategies
Fidesz applied to neutralize Jobbik’s key election pledges. We concluded
that the idea stating the Fidesz fulfills the Jobbik’s policy program should
be shaded; we found partial influence of Jobbik on Fidesz. The agenda-
setting ability of the latter seems quite strong. If we analyze it by pledge-
fulfillment, we can see that Fidesz reflected to the overwhelming majority
of Jobbik’s key pledges. However, we experienced, that policy shifts
were quite rare among these cases. [R]
69.7356 BOEKESTEIN, Tom L. ; GROOT, Gerard-René de — Dis-
cussing the human rights limits on loss of citizenship: a
normative-legal perspective on egalitarian arguments re-
garding Dutch Nationality laws targeting Dutch-
Moroccans. Citizenship Studies 23(4), June 2019 : 320-337.
In its efforts to counteract terrorist threats and contain the risks posed by
returning foreign fighters, the Netherlands, like several other European
states, has enacted legislation introducing denationalisation as a coun-
ter-terrorism measure. The Dutch measures target convicted terrorists
and foreign fighters alike, the latter without the prior involvement of the
judiciary. This practice not only challenges traditional conceptions of
citizenship, but also raises several human rights concerns, of which
discrimination is the most pressing. This Article therefore examines the
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