IV: Political Process: Public Opinion, Attitudes, Parties, Forces, Groups and Elections/Vie Politique: Opinion Publique, Attitudes, Partis, Forces, Groupes et Élections
| Published date | 01 February 2017 |
| DOI | 10.1177/002083451706700104 |
| Date | 01 February 2017 |
| Subject Matter | Abstracts |
52
IV
POLITICAL PROCESS : PUBLIC OPINION,
ATTITUDES, PARTIES, FORCES, GROUPS AND ELECTIONS
VIE POLITIQUE : OPINION PUBLIQUE,
ATTITUDES, PARTIS, FORCES, GROUPES ET ÉLECTIONS
67.519 ALI, Murad — Multiple factors behind extremism and
militancy: a case study of Swat, Pakistan. Regional Stud-
ies 34(2), Spring 2016 : 94-109.
This paper investigates the primary factors responsible for the rise of
religious militancy through a case-study of Swat, one of the seven
districts of the Malakand Division in the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (KP)
province of Pakistan. The paper challenges the assumption that poverty
or underdevelopment is the main cause of extremism and militancy.
Although this study concurs that extreme poverty, underdevelopment, or
unavailability of basic amenities of life can play a stimulating or catalytic
role in the escalation of insurgency; it is aided by several diverse dyna m-
ics that together can aggravate situations beyond control. It presents the
case of Swat region as a typical example in this context. [R]
67.520 ALON-TIROSH, Michal ; HADAR-SHOVAL, Dorit — Leader-
ship and identity politics on the eve of the Israeli 2015
elections: children’s perspectives. Israel Affairs 22(3-4),
July-Oct. 2016 : 697-710.
This article addresses identity politics in Israeli society on the eve of the
2015 elections as recounted in interviews with Israeli children. Children
belonging to four groups of Israeli society (secular Jews, religious Jews,
Ethiopian Jews and Arabs) were asked about the suitability of male and
female candidates running for the position of Israeli prime minister. The
findings can be viewed through two types of power relations: gender power
relations and power relations between groups of different collective identi-
ties. Gender power relations reflect gender inequality: female candidates
are perceived as transparent in regard to their suitability for the post of
prime minister. Power relations between different groups reflect the hierar-
chy of collective identities; secu lar Jews hold a hegemonic status, while
other groups weaken each other in order to strengthen their own relative
status within the hierarchy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.605]
67.521 ARNDT, Christoph ; RENNWALD, Line — Union members
at the [Swedish] polls in diverse trade union landscapes.
European Journal of Political Research 55(4), Nov. 2016 :
702-722.
This article investigates to what extent social democratic parties still
benefit from the support of union members at the polls. Not only are
social democratic parties confronted with new competitors in the party
systems, but also the union confederations of the socialist labor move-
ment are in some countries losing their dominant position due to the rise
of separate professional confederations. We argue that the effect of
union membership on voting choice is conditioned by the structure of the
trade union movement. Using European Social Survey and Swedish
Public Opinion data, the article shows that social democratic parties still
enjoy important support from trade union members, but at the same time
are under fierce competition from bourgeois and green parties among
members of white-collar confederations. [R, abr.]
67.522 ARTER, David — Neglected and unloved: does the hinge
party deserve that? Scandinavian Political Studies 39(4),
Dec. 2016 : 411-434.
This article focuses on the hinge party both as a concept and a strategy.
It seeks to “liberate” the hinge party from the clutches of such close
conceptual relatives as the “pivot party”, the “genuine pivot party”, the
“pivotal center party”, the “pivotal middle party” an d the “pivotal median
party”. [It asks]: (1) What are the distinguishing features of the hinge
party and how does it differ from the pivot party?; and (2) What set of
legislative party system circumstances would seem most likely to favor a
hinge party strategy of keeping options open to both left and right? Self-
styled centrist parties would seem most likely to favor a hinge party
strategy. To what extent have the Nordic Center -label [former agrarian]
parties sought and been able to do so? [R, abr.]
67.523 ATMOR, Nir ; FRIEDBERG, Chen — Who turned out at the
polls? Socioeconomic and geographic perspectives on
2015 voter turnouts in Israel. Israel Affairs 22(3-4), July-
Oct. 2016 : 597-612.
2015 was an important year in the history of Israeli general elections:
voter-turnout rose, exceeding the 70% threshold after 16 years of low
rates. Who were the voters turning out at the polls? When looking at the
election results from the municipal perspective, we can see a variance
between localities. In order to explain the differences in voting patterns
among localities we conducted an ecological analysis of the aggregated
data regarding participation rates in 196 municipalities in Israel, as well
as their social and economic characteristics. The most salient finding is
that political participation in peripheral and low socio-economic localities
was lower than in the country’s geographical and generally more eco-
nomically robust center. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.605]
67.524 AZARI, Julia ; HETHERINGTON, Marc J. — Back to the
future? What the politics of the late nineteenth century
can tell us about the 2016 [US] election. Annals of the
American Academy of Political and Social Science 667, Sept.
2016 : 92-109.
The politics and party system of the late Civil War era are strikingly
similar to what we have in the present day. Elections were consistently
close; race, culture, immigration, and populism were salient issues; and
states almost always voted for the same party in election after election.
The states that supported Democrats then, however, mostly support
Republicans now, and vice-versa. In 1896, though, a new party system
began to emerge. We evaluate bygone elections alongside contempo-
rary ones to assess whether 2016 might be the beginning of something
new in American electoral politics. Our analysis suggests that race and
populism are guideposts for potential change in 2016. [R, abr.] [See
Abstr. 67.764]
67.525 BAGASHKA, Tanya ; HAYES CLARK, Jennifer — Select
electoral rules and legislative particularism: evidence
from US state legislatures. American Political Science Re-
view 110(3), Aug. 2016 : 441-456.
We argue that state legislative politics is qualitatively different from
national congressional politics in the extent to which it focuses on local-
ized and geographically specific legislation salient to subconstituencies
within a legislative district. Whereas congressional politics focuses on
casework benefits for individual constituents, state legislative politics is
more oriented to the delivery of localized benefits for groups of citizens in
specific areas within a district, fostering a geographically specific group
connection. A primary way to build such targeted geographical support is
for members to introduce particularistic legislation designed to aid their
specific targeted geographical area within the district. We argue that this
is primarily a function of electoral rules. Using original sponsorship data
from U S state houses, we demonstrate that greater district magnitude
and more inclusive selection procedures such as open primaries are
associated with more particularism. [R, abr.]
67.526 BAGUES, Manuel ; ESTEVE-VOLART, Berta — Politicians’
luck of the draw: evidence from the Spanish Christmas
lottery. Journal of Political Economy 124(5), Oct. 2016 :
1269-1294.
Incumbent politicians tend to receive more votes when economic condi-
tions are good. We explore the source of this correlation, exploiting the
exceptional evidence provided by the Spanish Christmas Lottery. Be-
cause winning tickets are typically sold by one lottery outlet, winners
tend to be geographically clustered. This allows us to study the impact of
exogenous good economic conditions on voting behavior. We find that
incumbents receive significantly more votes in winning provinces. The
evidence is consistent with a temporary increase in happiness making
voters more lenient toward the incumbent, or with a stronger preference
for the status quo. [R]
67.527 BANKS, Antoine J. ; HICKS, Heather M. — Fear and im-
plicit racism [in USA]: Whites’ support for voter ID laws.
Political Psychology 37(5), Oct. 2016 : 641-658.
Oftentimes, Whites are unaware that they may have slighted Blacks.
Although researchers have spent a considerable amount of attention
disentangling this form of implicit (unconscious) racial bias from explicit
Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections
53
(conscious) racial bias, we are less clear about the condition s that cause
implicit racism to matter in American politics. We offer a theory of how
fear and Whites' unconscious racial bias are tightly linked in memory,
and triggering this emotion can make these implicit attitudes more salient
in public opinion. To test our theory, we focus on Whites’ opinions toward
voter ID laws. Our expectation is that inducing fear should cause implicit
racism to play an important role in Whites’ evaluation of the policy. Using
an adult national experiment over two waves, we induced several emo-
tions to elicit fear, anger, or relaxation. [R, abr.]
67.528 BARTELS, Larry M. — Failure to converge: presidential
candidates, core partisans, and the missing middle in
American electoral politics. Annals of the American Acad-
emy of Political and Social Science 667, Sept. 2016 : 143-
165.
The logic of electoral competition suggests that candidates should have
to adopt moderate issue positions to win majority support. But US presi-
dential candidates consistently take relatively extreme positions on a
variety of important issues. Some observers have attributed these
“polarized” positions to the extreme views of the parties’ core supporters.
I characterize the issue preferences of core Republicans, core Democ-
rats, and swing voters over the past three decades and assess how well
the positions of presidential candidates reflect those preferences. I find
that Republican candidates have generally been responsive to the
positions of their base. However, Democratic candidates have often
been even more extreme than the Democratic base, suggesting that
electoral polarization is due in significant part to candidates’ own convic-
tions rather than the need to mollify core partisans. [R, abr.] [See Abstr.
67.764]
67.529 BARTSCH, Dietmar — Neue Führung — neue Chance für
ein Linksbündnis? (New leadership — new opportunities
for a leftist coalition?). Forschungsjournal Neue soziale
Bewegungen 29(3), Sept. 2016 : 226-230.
The author is skeptical about the possibilities of a coalition between
Germany’s three left-leaning parties. This is not only because of sub-
stantive differences among its partners, but also because the party
landscape itself has changed. It would be wrong to focus solely on the
Left Party as the make or break factor for such an alliance. For this
alliance to succeed, all party wings need to support it. But that also goes
for all other parties. [R] [See Abstr. 67.200]
67.530 BAUMANN, Markus — Constituency demands and limited
supplies: comparing personal issue emphases in co-
sponsorship of bills and legislative speech [in Norway].
Scandinavian Political Studies 39(4), Dec. 2016 : 366-387.
Parliamentary party groups typically comprise MPs with diverse prefer-
ences and different personal issue emphases. At the same time, speak-
ing in plenary debates is a scarce resource controlled and allocated by
parliamentary party group leaders. This has led recent research to
investigate how speakers for plenary debates are selected. This contri-
bution connects with this literature by asking whether MPs’ personal
issue emphases deviate from their parliamentary party groups’ issue
emphases. The issue emphases which individual MPs devote to a set of
issues in an open access parliamentary instrument is measured and
compared to the emphases MPs devote to these issues in speeches,
[using] the 2005-2009 legislative period of the Norwegian Storting. [R,
abr.]
67.531 BAY, Ann-Helen ; FINSERAAS, Henning ; PEDERSEN, Axel
West — Welfare nationalism and popular support for
raising the child allowance: evidence from a Norwegian
survey experiment. Scandinavian Political Studies 39(4),
Dec. 2016 : 482-494.
Refugee and labor immigration have placed the issue of immigrants’
access to welfare benefits high on the political agenda. This article
explores how voter preferences for increases in the child benefit change
when respondents are reminded about immigrants’ access to benefits.
The survey experiment shows that information about newly arrived
immigrants’ access to child benefit has only a small impact on support
for increasing the child allowance. By contrast, information about labor
migrants’ access to benefits for children living in another EU country has
a strong impact, and the observed sensitivity to this cue is not to the
same extent confined to respondents who otherwise support welfare
dualism. [R]
67.532 BAYAR, Yeşim — Constitution-writing, nationalism and
the Turkish experience. Nations and Nationalism 22(4),
Oct. 2016 : 725-743.
Until recently there has been relatively little attention paid to the question
of how the relationship between the state, its citizens and the nation is
articulated in constitutional texts. This paper addresses this gap through
an examination of how the rules of belonging to the nation are discussed
by the political elite and how these discussions find their final formulation
in the constitutional texts. The analysis focuses on the Turkish case at
two constitution-writing moments (1924 and 1961). While such moments
have conventionally been assumed to be “revolutionary”, the data on
Turkey highlight continuities rather than radical changes over time. More
particularly, they underscore the resilience and salience of the principle
of nationalism over time. [R]
67.533 BAYDAR, Yavuz — How the failed putsch in Turkey
evolved into a counter-coup. Südosteuropa Mitteilungen
56(4), 2016 : 6-15.
Turkey was thrown into an abyss after a bloody, botched coup attempt
on 15 July 2016. A profound political crisis now threatens its very exis-
tential fundaments as the tenets of the republic are in shatters. The
putschists were utterly ill-organized. yet, more than two months after
their failure, there is no clarity as to who led the des tructive act. Opposite
that assessment stand the concrete consequences of the failed coup
attempt, with a massive purge and waves of arrests, which threaten the
social fabric of the country. The world now grapples with whether the
coup attempt was a disruptive act in an ongoing power struggle by R.T.
Erdogan, or does it simply represent a failed coup as part of continuity —
a coup which was subsequently transformed into a counter-coup? [R,
abr.] [See also Abstr. 67.654, 735, 1143]
67.534 BERENT, Matthew K. ; KROSNICK, Jon A. ; LUPIA, Arthur
— Measuring voter registration and turnout in surveys:
do official government records yield more accurate as-
sessments? Public Opinion Quarterly 80(3), Fall 2016 : 597-
621.
In many post-election surveys, the proportion of respondents who claim
to have voted is greater than government-reported turnout rates. These
differences have often been attributed to respondent lying. In a search
for greater accuracy, scholars have replaced respondent self-reports of
turnout with government records of their turnout (a.k.a. turnout valida-
tion). Some scholars have interpreted “validated” turnout estimates as
more accurate than respondent self-reports because “validated” rates
tend to be lower than aggregate self-reported rates and tend to be closer
to government-reported rates. We explore the viability of turnout valida-
tion efforts. We find that several apparently viable methods of matching
survey respondents to government records severely underestimate the
proportion of Americans who were registered to vote. [R, abr.]
67.535 BERGH, Johannes, et al. — Personvalg ved stort-
ingsvalg? (Preferential voting in [Norwegian] Storting
elections?). Norsk Statsvitenskapelig Tidsskrift 32(3), 2016 :
217-242.
The potential consequences of the introduction of preferential voting in
Norwegian Storting elections is examined using a review of previous
research as well as simulations of election outcomes based on data from
Norwegian elections. We consider potential effects on election cam-
paigns and parliamentary work, as well as consequences for the election
of candidates to the Storting. Preferential voting may affect the composi-
tion of the Storting, and small parties seem to be more strongly affected
than large ones. However, the effects will depend on the design of the
electoral system: a low threshold for preference votes, combined with the
possibility to cast a preference vote for more than one candidate, will
increase voter influence over candidate election in the large parties too.
[R, abr.]
67.536 BINDERKRANTZ, Anne Skorkjaer ; FISKER, Helene Marie ;
PEDERSEN, Helene Helboe — The rise of citizen groups?
The mobilization and representation of Danish interest
groups, 1975-2010. Scandinavian Political Studies 39(4),
Dec. 2016 : 291-311.
Over the last several decades, a number of societal changes can be
expected to have led to the increased mobilization of interest groups
representing citizen interests. For this mobilization to be effective, citizen
groups need to win access to relevant political arenas. This article
investigates the development of the Danish interest group system and
the representation of interest groups in political arenas. While replicating
findings of increasing citizen mobilization from other countries is ex-
pected, it is argued here that the development of groups’ political repre-
sentation as a consequence of this mobilization depends on the dynam-
ics of resource exchange in different political arenas. This argument is
tested on a unique dataset of Danish interest groups in 1975 and 2010
which includes data on group populations and group access to the
administration and the media. [R, abr.]
67.537 BIRNBAUM, Norman — Nach Obama: Die Welt vor
Trump? (After Obama: the world according to Trump?).
Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik 61(7), 2016 :
39-46.
For an unexpectedly long time, Socialist B. Sanders succeeded in
influencing H. Clinton’s positions in the US presidential primary. Accord-
ing to the author, she had to open herself to B. Sanders’ left-wing claims
for the sake of keeping Democrats united against D. Trump. The Repub-
lican candidate is gaining ground amongst an aggressive, white elector-
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