IV: Political Process: Public Opinion, Attitudes, Parties, Forces, Groups and Elections; VIE Politique: Opinion Publique, Attitudes, Partis, Forces, Groupes et Έlections
| Published date | 01 December 2018 |
| DOI | 10.1177/002083451806800604 |
| Date | 01 December 2018 |
| Subject Matter | Abstracts |
IV
POLITICAL PROCESS : PUBLIC OPINION,
ATTITUDES, PARTIES, FORCES, GROUPS AND ELECTIONS
VIE POLITIQUE : OPINION PUBLIQUE,
ATTITUDES, PARTIS, FORCES, GROUPES ET ÉLECTIONS
68.7222
ABBONDANZA, Gabriele ; BAILO, Francesco — The elec-
(founding election) as something to be taken for granted. As such, it is
toral payoff of immigration flows for anti-immigration
never questioned. Specialists in democratic transitions ignore the re-
parties: the case of Italy’s Lega Nord. European Political
search on “new parties,” which is, nonetheless, essential to the under-
Science 17(3), Sept. 2018 : 378-403.
standing of the particular characteristics of a post-authoritarian situation.
This article examines and quantifies the relationship between regular
Using an original qualitative study on Algeria, this article proposes to
bring to light the political, organizational, and legal conditions of new
immigration and voting for anti-immigration parties in Italy’s eight Northern
political parties’ participation or nonparticipation in a founding election. In
regions — from 1992 to 2015 — and in Italy’s forty-five Northern provinces
particular, this research allows us to grasp the dilemmas and difficulties
from 2004 to 2015. We identified the Lega Nord as Italy’s main xenophobic
party, then we used a fixed-effects regression model for panel data to test
faced by leaders of new parties and the types of support on which they
rely to engage for the first time in an electoral competition. [R, abr.]
our hypothesis, while controlling for a series of social, political and eco-
nomic variables. Our results suggest that there is a positive and significant
effect: an increase of 1 per cent in the number of new regular immigrants is
68.7227
ALMLUND, Pernil e — Non-voting young people in conflict
associated with an increase of more than 2 per cent in the votes given to
with the political system. Journal of Political Power 11(2),
the Lega Nord; voter-turnout is significantly and negatively associated with
2018 : 230-251.
Lega Nord’s vote-share, and a high perception of crime is positively associ-
ated with anti-immigration votes. [R, abr.]
This article argues that to grasp the reason why so many young people
choose not to vote in local elections, we must supplement the many
quantitative studies by asking the youth themselves. This study, then, is
68.7223
ABOU-CHADI, Tarik ; HELBLING, Marc — How immigration
based on focus group interviews with young people discussing their
reforms affect voting behavior. Political Studies 66(3), Aug.
experience of politics and political communication. The analysis investi-
2018 : 687-717.
gates how democracy and politics are essentially contested by young
This article investigates how changes in immigration policies affect
people. Inspired by N. Luhmann, the article furthermore argues that it is
migration as a vote-defining issue at upcoming elections. We introduce
profitable to understand these many ‘noes’ to voting as a progressive
policy change as a new potential determinant in the process of issue
conflict between non-voting young people and the political system. [R]
evolution. Moreover, in contrast to most of the literature that investigates
the role of policy outcomes (such as economic growth or unemployment)
68.7228
ARCHER, Al ison M. N. — Political advantage, disadvan-
on voting decisions, we analyze the effect of laws which can be directly
tage, and the demand for partisan news. Journal of Politics
attributed to governments and political parties. We focus on within-
80(3), July 2018 : 845-859.
country variation and analyze national election surveys from the Nether-
lands, Denmark, and Germany between 1994 and 2011. It is shown that
I argue that the national political environment can meaningfully affect
both liberal and restrictive reforms lead to increasing issue voting. While
variation in aggregate demand for partisan media. I focus on the rela-
we show that government parties are not more affected than opposition
tionship between the political context and media demand in the form of
parties, we see that party ideology partly plays a role. [R]
partisan newspaper circulations. Using a data set that characterizes the
partisan slant of local newspapers and their circulation levels between
68.7224
ADLER, E. Scott ; CAYTON, Adam F. ; GRIFFIN, John D. —
1932 and 2004, I find that when parties are electorally advantaged in
Representation when constituent opinion and district
presidential contests, demand for their affiliated newspapers decreases
conditions collide. Political Research Quarterly 71(3), Sept.
relative to demand for papers affiliated with disadvantaged parties. I
2018 : 681-694.
uncover evidence of similar patterns in a case study of Florida newspa-
pers, and I also compare the power of presidential versus congressional
When constituent opinion and district conditions point in two different
outcomes in shaping feelings of advantage and disadvantage. [R, abr.]
directions, which factor is most influential for representatives who face
important legislative roll calls? To address this question, we combine four
68.7229
ARMOUDIAN, Maria — The frame changers: journalists,
types of data for the period from 2000 to 2012: key congressional roll call
the conflict, and peace process. Irish Political Studies
votes, district-level survey data, objective measures of district conditions,
33(3), 2018 : 354-380.
and other district demographics. We show (1) that material conditions in
a district have an effect on legislative behavior independent of constitu-
This paper explores some of journalists’ struggles in gathering and
ents’ opinions; (2) that opinions are not always a better predictor of
framing news during the Northern Ireland conflict and peace process.
lawmaker decisions, compared to conditions; and (3) that whether
Based on interviews with eight journalists who covered both periods, it
lawmakers tend to reflect constituent opinions or district conditions is a
details how they navigated what has been cal ed a ‘propaganda war’ or
function of the demographic makeup of their districts. [R]
what I cal ‘frame wars’ that ran paral el with the physical conflict. These
frame wars became complicating factors with which journalists grappled
68.7225
AHLER, Douglas J. ; SOOD, Gaurav — The parties in our
when seeking to produce meaningful news that fit both their professional
heads: misperceptions about party composition and
standards and their own humanity. Placed within the context of the
their consequences. Journal of Politics 80(3), July 2018 :
political communication literature, the interviews reveal thought proc-
964-981.
esses among some leading journalists about the difficulties of reporting
in a divided society. [R, abr.]
We document a large and consequential bias in how Americans perceive
the major political parties: people tend to considerably overestimate the
68.7230
ARNOLD, Richard ; MARKOWITZ, Lawrence P. — The
extent to which party supporters belong to party-stereotypical groups.
evolution of violence within far-right mobilization: evi-
For instance, people think that 32% of Democrats are LGBT (vs. 6% in
dence from Russia. Ethnic and Racial Studies 41(9-10),
reality) and 38% of Republicans earn over $250,000 per year (vs. 2% in
July-Aug. 2018 : 1558-1573.
reality). Experimental data suggest that these misperceptions are genu-
ine and party specific, not artifacts of expressive responding, innumer-
This article analyzes the temporal variation in far-right violence by exam-
acy, or ignorance of base rates. These misperceptions are widely
ining it as a series of interrelated attacks that are embedded within and
shared, though bias in out-party perceptions is larger. Misperceptions
arising out of a broader cycle of far-right mobilization. It argues that the
about out-party composition are associated with partisan affect, beliefs
changing nature of far-right violence occurs as a trial-and-error process
about out-party extremity, and allegiance to one’s own party. [R, abr.]
— what Sidney Tarrow terms “tactical innovation” — within a mobiliza-
tional cycle. As we demonstrate, far-right mobilization is characterized by
68.7226
AÏT-AOUDIA, Myriam — Conditions for new parties’ partici-
innovation, experimentation, and selection of specific types of attacks
pation in a founding election in a democratic transition: the
and particular targets that are deemed likely to garner public support and
Algerian case. Party Politics 24(4), July 2018 : 434-443.
increase pressure on state officials. Consequently, over the course of the
mobilizational cycle, far-right violence employed more organized forms of
The literature on democratic transitions considers the participation of
violence and increasingly targeted ethnic minorities and migrants. [R,
new parties in the first pluralist election in a post-authoritarian context
abr.] [See Abstr. 68.7273]
751
Political process : public opinion, attitudes, parties, forces, groups and elections
68.7231
AUGSPURGER, Carolyn — National identity, religion, and
abandon both approaches, just as Nigel Farage became UKIP’s leader,
Irish Unionism: the rhetoric of Irish Presbyterian opposi-
turned out, in historical institutionalist terms, to be a critical juncture. It
tion to Home Rule in 1912. Irish Political Studies 33(3),
provided UKIP with an opportunity to fil the...
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