IV Political Process: Public Opinion, Attitudes, Parties, Forces, Groups and Elections Vie Politique: Opinion Publique, Attitudes, Partis, Forces, Groupes et Élections
| Date | 01 October 2018 |
| DOI | 10.1177/002083451806800504 |
| Published date | 01 October 2018 |
| Subject Matter | Abstract |
629
IV
POLITICAL PROCESS : PUBLIC OPINION,
ATTITUDES, PARTIES, FORCES, GROUPS AND ELECTIONS
VIE POLITIQUE : OPINION PUBLIQUE,
ATTITUDES, PARTIS, FORCES, GROUPES ET ÉLECTIONS
68.6131 ABRIAL, Stéphanie ; PERSICO, Simon — Les coûts cachés
d’une promesse incontournable: l’ouverture du mariage
et de l’adoption aux couples de même sexe (The hidden
costs of an inescapable promise same-sex marriage and
adoption rights). Revue française de Science politique
68(2), Apr. 2018 : 343-364.
François Hollande’s pledge to legalize same-sex marriage and adoption
rights for same-sex couples was quite easy to fulfill: in voters’ eyes, the
Socialist Party had a monopoly over this fiscally neutral social issue,
which meant that the measure could be voted in by a strong parliamen-
tary majority. However, the executive power’s preference for open
debate on a vague reform project reignited a deep social conflict and
revitalized the opposition. This article therefore focuses on the shifting
capacities of political actors to keep their campaign promises and on the
consequences of fulfilling these pledges in the political realm. [R] [See
Abstr. 68.5741]
68.6132 ACKERMANN, Kathrin ; ACKERMANN, Maya ; FREITAG,
Markus — Opting for an open society? Personality traits
and attitudes toward the openness of Switzerland. Com-
parative European Politics 16(3), May 2018 : 413-433.
The tension between openness and closedness is one of the most
important cleavages in Swiss political debates. In the present article, we
study the psychological foundations of attitudes regarding this issue.
More precisely, we examine the link between personality and attitudes
toward the degree of openness of Switzerland as a general stance
toward the cultural, economic and political alignment of the co untry.
Personality is understood as a complex and multifaceted concept that
forms the basis for consistent patterns of attitudes and behavior. We
build on the Five-Factor Theory to explain the link between personality
traits, contextual factors and political attitudes. Analyzing survey data
from a random sample of Swiss citizens, we find clear evidence that
personality traits affect political attitudes. [R, abr.]
68.6133 ADAMS, Melinda ; SMREK, Michal — Making institutions
and context count: how useful is feminist institutionalism
in explaining male dominance in politics? Politics and
Gender 14(2), June 2018 : 271-276.
While the same formal candidate-selection rules are generally in place
throughout a state, there is often intracountry variation in male descrip-
tive overrepresentation. To explain this variation, scholars cannot focus
exclusively on women (e.g., how do women respond to formal institu-
tional opportunities?) or femininity (e.g., how do norms governing appro-
priate female behavior affect women's odds of being selected as a
candidate?). Rather, scholars must attend to the ways that informal
norms regarding masculinity operate across space and time within a
country. Drawing on the insights of feminist institutionalism, this essay
examines two intracountry sources of variation in candidate-selection:
the spatial urban-rural divide and temporal differences between first-time
recruitment and renomination. While the formal candidate-selection rules
are uniform, informal institutions vary depending on where and when we
look, leading to different levels of male overrepresentation. [R] [See
Abstr. 68.6162]
68.6134 ALBARRACÍN, Juan — Criminalized electoral politics in
Brazilian urban peripheries. Crime, Law and Social Change
69(4), June 2018 : 553-575.
Criminal violence can be used to sustain and construct local political
orders that undermine democratic processes. I conceptualize how
criminal violence and clientelism are jointly used at local levels (e.g.
neighborhoods, municipalities) to influence electoral outcomes in Brazil-
ian urban peripheries. I call this criminalized electoral politics. With the
help of two dimensions — the nature of the relationship between political
and criminal actors, as well as the type of activity that provides a criminal
group’s primary source of income — I construct a descriptive typology
that allows me to classify different forms of criminalized electoral politics
prevalent in urban spaces. Throughout the text I use examples from the
metropolitan area of Rio de Janeiro to illustrate cases of criminalized
electoral politics. [R, abr.]
68.6135 ALEMÁN, Eduardo, et al. — Disentangling the role of
ideology and partisanship in legislative voting: evidence
from Argentina. Legislative Studies Quarterly 43(2), May
2018 : 245-273.
We present a novel approach to disentangle the effects of ideology,
partisanship, and constituency pressures on roll-call voting. First, we
place voters and legislators on a common ideological space. Next, we
use roll-call data to identify the partisan influence on legislators' behavior.
Finally, we use a structural equation model to account for these separate
effects on legislative voting. We rely on public opinion data and a survey
of Argentine legislators conducted in 2007-2008. Our findings indicate
that partisanship is the most important determinant of legislative voting,
leaving little room for personal ideological position to affect legislators'
behavior. [R]
68.6136 ALMAGRO CASTRO, David — La apertura de las listas
electorales: ¿Un primer paso hacia la superación de la
crisis de representatividad en la democracia española?
(The opening of the electoral lists: a first step to over-
coming the crisis of representativeness in the Spanish
democracy?). Revista española de Derecho constitucional
112, Jan.-Apr. 2018 : 115-143.
The crisis of representativeness in the Spanish democracy demands
constructive legal solutions to foster its improvement. O ne of the pillars
subjected to doctrinal criticism is the configuration of the electoral sys-
tem. As is widely known , the Spanish Constitu tion of 1978 (CE 1978)
established the general guidelines to the electoral system. Its detailed
development would be a task for the principal legislator. The LOREG
opted, amongst many other resolutions, for to maintain an electoral
model of blocked and closed lists established with provisional nature in
the Real Decreto Ley 20/1977, a situation that remains in the same way
until today. The present paper criticizes the obsolescence of this system
as well as its negative effects for the overcoming of the representative-
ness for both affecting to the political freedom of the voter and hindering
the internal democratization of political parties. [R, abr.]
68.6137 ALSATI, Alfeetouri Salih — The political knowledge of
Libyan university students: Sirte and Omar Al-Mukhtar
universities as two examples. South African Journal of In-
ternational Affairs 24(4), Dec. 2018 : 463-479.
This article reports on a study measuring the political knowledge of a
sample of students at the Sirte and Omar Al-Mukhtar universities in Libya
in 2015-2016. Variables such as the university attendees, gender, resi-
dence, type of faculty, family’s economic condition and parents’ educa-
tional level were factored into the analysis, and a sample of 400 students
from the two universities was selected to provide survey data. Findings
indicate that acquiring political knowledge, as a whole, requires great
effort to accommodate Libya’s current circumstances. Variables of
gender, residence and university type make a difference in the level of
political knowledge. While income and the level of parents’ education do
not determine the extent of political knowledge, the value placed on
citizenship was found to have a strong effect on the variation in legal and
political knowledge. [R, abr.]
68.6138 ALVAREZ, R. Michael ; KIEWIET, D. Roderick ; NÚÑEZ,
Lucas — A taxonomy of protest voting. Annual Review of
Political Science 21, 2018 : 135-154.
Observers of elections often report that voters have engaged in protest
voting. We find that “protest voting” refers to a wide range of behaviors,
and we create a taxonomy of these phenomena. Support for fringe or
insurgent parties is often labeled as protest voting. Voting theorists have
used the term in a completely different way, identifying an unusual type
of tactical voting as protest voting. Protest voting also occurs when
voters cast blank, null, or spoiled ballots. There are also instances when
protest voting is organized and directed by political elites. Finally, several
countries provide voters with the option of casting a vote for “None of the
Above,” which some see as a form of protest voting. We discuss the
analytical and empirical challenges confronting research on each type of
protest voting. [R]
Political process : public opinion, attitudes, parties, forces, groups and elections
630
68.6139 ANDRÉ, Stéfanie, et al. — Housing wealth and party
choice in a multiparty system: the Netherlands 2006-
2012. Comparative Politics 50(4), July 2018 : online.
Recently, housing wealth has come to the fore as predictor of welfare
attitudes. However, it is unclear whether people also change their vote
based on their housing market position. This article shows, for three Dutch
elections in 2006, 2010, and 2012, that housing wealth was a predictor of
party choice during housing market downturns. In 2012, individuals in
households in negative equity were more likely to vote pro-welfare, while
respondents most at risk of negative equity we re more likely to vote pro-
homeownership. This finding is corroborated in our analysis of party choice
change. Voters a re thus responsive to changing housing wealth positions.
Our results are in line with economic voter theories and illustrate the
emerging importance of housing wealth for this framework. [R]
68.6141 ANDRETTA, Massimiliano — Protest in Italy in times of
crisis: a cross-government comparison. South European
Society and Politics 23(1), March 2018 : 97-114.
Using protest event analysis methodology and conceptual and theoreti-
cal toolkits developed in social movement studies, this article analyses
protest mobilization during the period of the height of the economic crisis
in Italy (2009-2014) by comparing the protest trends in diachronic and
comparative perspectives over a period of four different governments.
Data show that the Italian anti-austerity protest arena was dominated by
“old actors” (the traditional trade unions) and was not able to pro duce the
strong social and political coalitions that emerged in other South Euro-
pean countries. This was due to the specific relationship that developed
between civil society and political parties that shaped the forms of anti-
austerity mobilization in this period. [R] [See Abstr. 68.6039]
68.6142 ANGENENDT, Michael — Anti-partyism in German inde-
pendent local lists: empirical insights from a member-
ship study. German Politics 27(3), 2018 : 401-423.
In the past few decades, independent local lists in German municipalities
have become serious competitors to political parties. Thus far, it remains
unclear whether their self-described image as non-parties or anti-parties
is restricted to the sphere of local politics or accompanies a general
rejection of parties in federal politics. The article conceptualises anti-
partyism and proposes an analytical distinction between their intensity
and related political level. It then analyses the consequences of different
patterns of local politics and group characteristics as well as individual
determinants to explain the degree of anti-party sentiment. This study
improves our understanding of independents and whether they promote
party democracy or are a product of political dissatisfaction. Based on a
cross-sectional postal survey, multi-level regression models are used to
test the hypotheses. [R, abr.]
68.6143 ANOLL, Allison P. — What makes a good neighbor? Race,
place, and norms of political participation. American Po-
litical Science Review 112(3), Aug. 2018 : 494-508.
Social norms are thought to motivate behaviors like political participation,
but context should influence both the content and activation of these
norms. I show that both race and neighborhood context moderate the
social value of political participation in the U S. Using original survey data
and a survey experiment, I find that Whites, Blacks, and Latinos not only
conceptualize participation differently, but also asymmetrically reward
those who are politically active, with minority Americans often providing
more social incentives for participation than Whites. I combine this
survey data with geographic demography from the American Community
Survey and find that neighborhood characteristics outpace individual-
level indicators in predicting the social value of political participation. The
findings suggest that scholars of political behavior should consider race,
place, and social norms when seeking to understand participation in an
increasingly diverse America. [R]
68.6144 ARATO, Andrew ; COHEN, Jean L. — Civil society, popu-
lism and religion. Constellations 24(3), Sept. 2017 : 283-
295.
While populist movements, and religious associations emerge and
flourish in civil society, the logic of populism and of politicized religion is
antithetical to the underlying principles of civil society and, ultimately, to
democracy itself. It is important to address the dark side of civil society
that these developments represent, in order to show how they undermine
instead of realizing its open, plural, critical and democracy-enhancing
features. Not only do today’s populists hijack religion for their ow n pur-
poses but the reverse is also true: populism can be instrumentalized by
politicized religious agendas and identity politics. If the populist tempta-
tion and the lure of politicizing religion may be here to stay, a vibrant
open civil society remains the best hope for resisting these challenges
and generating alternatives.
68.6145 ARCEO, Alfredo — The identity of university social re-
sponsibility on the websites of the universities of the
Autonomous Region of Madrid (Spain) and the State of
Puebla (Mexico), as a tool of grassroots public diplo-
macy. American Behavioral Scientist 62(3), March 2018 :
391-399.
The identity of the universities is one more piece to consider inside the
puzzle of the grassroots public diplomacy. University social responsibility
is not well exploited on university websites, [as we] conclude following a
comparative study of the websites of the universities of the Autonomous
Region of Madrid (Spain) and those of the universities of the State of
Puebla, including public, private, and Catholic Church institutions. All the
universities of the Madrid region and 92.5% of those consulted in the
State of Puebla have a website, but none of them gives an explicit
reference on its homepage that operations are performed within all
occupational aspects in accordance with the realm of university social
responsibility. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.6293]
68.6146 ARTHUR, C. Damien ; WOODS, Joshua — President Bush
and immigration policy rhetoric: the effects of negativity
on the political landscape at the state level. White House
Studies 14(1), 2018 : 1-17.
The attention paid to immigration since Al-Qaeda's terrorist attacks
against the US on September 11, 2001 has grown progressively more
pronounced. The authors maintain that the increases in attention are due
to a significant critical juncture: the Republican Party Platform of 2004,
and President George W. Bush's subsequent reelection. The rhetoric has
become more negative and exclusive, creating a pervasive immigrant
narrative. The arguments put forward in this article contributes to the
discussion by examining the effects of negative rhetoric on the political
landscape at the state level during the G. W. Bush Administration. The
authors question whether negative immigration narratives in presidential
rhetoric shape policies relating to immigration at the state level and
provide results that suggest presidential rhetoric can increase negative
effects legislation in states, limiting immigrant participation in civic life. [R,
abr.]
68.6147 AYTAÇ, S. Erdem ; ÇARKOĞLU, Ali — Presidents shaping
public opinion in parliamentary democracies: a survey
experiment in Turkey. Political Behavior 40(2), 2018 : 371-
393.
Many parliamentary democracies feature a president alongside a prime
minister. While these presidents have a nonpartisan status as head of
state, they often have had long political careers with partisan affiliations
before assuming office. How do voters react when such actors make
issue statements to shape public opinion? Are such statements filtered
through voters’ partisan lenses, provoked by the partisan background of
these actors? Or perhaps partisan reactions are not invoked, owing to
the nonpartisan status of the office? We argue that voters’ reactions
depend on the issue domain. Partisan reactions will be invoked only
when the statements are about issues outside the president’s preroga-
tives. We provide evidence for our argument from a population-based
survey experiment in Turkey. [R]
68.6148 BAKER, Kerryn — Great expectations: gender and politi-
cal representation in the Pacific Islands. Government and
Opposition 53(3), July 2018 : 542-568.
Women make up just 6.1 per cent of Pacific parliamentarians. Increasing
women’s representation is a key area of focus for political leaders and
aid donors, both as a human rights issue and as a vehicle for the sub-
stantive representation of women. Women’s participation in politics in the
Pacific Islands is often seen as a form of social contract between
women. Female voters are expected to vote for female candidates. In
exchange, female parliamentarians are expected to act, not just for the
constituency that elected them, but for women as a group. This article
examines the expectations that are placed on the political participation of
Pacific women, and argues that attempts to increase women’s participa-
tion in politics in the region should avoid reinforcing these expectations
through an emphasis on substantive representation. [R]
68.6149 BALCI, Bayram — Situating the Gülen movement in
France and in Europe. Politics, Religion and Ideology 19(1),
March 2018 : 69-80.
Fethullah Gülen’s Turkish socio-religious movement has been active in
Europe for over a decade in the spheres of education and interfaith
dialogue. Operating outside Turkey and with relative freedom of associa-
tion and expression, the Gülen movement has begun to carve out its
niche in European Islam. Unlike in the US, where supporters have
chartered full-time schools, members of the Gülen m ovement in France
and Germany mostly offer after-school tutorial services. It is within these
programs that Fethullah Gülen’s moral and ethical worldview is being
exposed to increasing numbers of young people of mainly Turkish
descent. Yet the Gülen movement remains an Islamic organization that
is directly implicated in the religious sphere because of its explicitly
Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections
631
universalistic and humanistic approach. Rather than aiming at literally
spreading the religion of Islam, the organization works to improve Islam’s
public image in Western contexts. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.6439]
68.6150 BANDA, Kevin K. ; KIRKLAND, Justin H. — Legislative
party polarization and trust in [USA] state legislatures.
American Politics Research 46(4), July 2018 : 596-628.
We argue that citizens’ trust attitudes are inversely related to party
polarization because polarization tends to encourage political conflict,
which most people dislike. We further posit that partisans’ trust attitudes
are driven by the ideological extremity of the opposing and their own
parties for similar reasons. Using roll-call-based estimates of [US] state
legislative party polarization and public opinion data collected in 2008,
we show strong evidence in favor of our theory: higher levels of party
polarization within legislative chambers depresses citizens’ trust in their
legislatures. Among partisans, we also find that trust attitudes respond to
the ideological extremity of the opposing party but not to a citizen’s own
party’s extremity. [R, abr.]
68.6151 BAUER, Nichole M. ; CARPINELLA, Colleen — Visual
information and candidate evaluations: the influence of
feminine and masculine images on support for female
candidates. Political Research Quarterly 71(2), June 2018 :
395-407.
Existing research debates the extent to which feminine and masculine
stereotypes affect voters’ impressions of female candidates. Current
approaches identify how descriptions of female candidates as having
feminine or masculine qualities lead voters to rely on stereotypes. We
argue that extant scholarship overlooks a critical source of stereotypic
information about female candidates — the role of visual information.
This manuscript explores the conditions under which voters use feminine
and masculine visuals to evaluate female candidates. Drawing on theo-
ries of information processing and stereotype reliance, we develop a
framework that explains when visual information will affect how voters
evaluate female and male candidates. We argue that visual information
that is incongruent with stereotypes about a candidate’s sex will affect
candidate evaluations while visuals congruent with stereotypes about
candidate sex will not. [R, abr.]
68.6152 BAUHR, Monika ; CHARRON, Nicholas, et al. — Why sup-
port International redistribution? Corruption and public
support for aid in the Eurozone. European Union Politics
19(2), June 2018 : 233-254.
What factors explain public support for international redistribution? While
the EU has sent billions of taxpayers' money to over-indebted euro
countries in an attempt to avoid an economic collapse, these transfers
have encountered fierce resistance among both donor and recipient
constituents. However, we know surprisingly little about why citizens
support or oppose redistribution within the EU. This paper suggests that
domestic levels of corruption and institutional quality may be one of the
most important explanations for the great variation in public support for
financial assistance, bailouts and aid. Using recent European Elections
Survey data merged with data on regional level quality of government,
we show that the effects of institutional quality are consistently stronger
than macro-economic factors, including economic development, inequal-
ity or levels of public debt. [R]
68.6153 BAUTE, Sharon, et al. — European integration as a threat
to social security: another source of Euroscepticism?
European Union Politics 19(2), June 2018 : 209-232.
This study investigates whether citizens' concerns about the EU's impact
on social security are a distinct source of Euroskepticism. By analyzing
data from the European Values Study 2008, we show that citizens
differentiate between domain-specific fears about European integration
(i.e. about social security, national sovereignty, culture, payments and
jobs), meaning that they cannot be reduced completely to a general fear
about European integration. Furthermore, socioeconomic determinants
and ideological position are more important in explaining citizens' fear
about the EU's impact on social security than in explaining their general-
ized fear of European integration. In countries with higher social spend-
ing, citizens are more fearful of European integration in general, how-
ever, social spending does not affect fears about social security more
strongly than it affects other EU-related fears. [R]
68.6154 BAVIERA, Tomás — Influence in the political Twitter
sphere: authority and retransmission in the 2015 and
2016 Spanish general elections. European Journal of
Communication 33(3), June 2018 : 321-337.
Candidates, parties, media and citizens have the same ability to post
tweets. For this reason, mapping the dynamics of interaction among
users is essential to evaluate the processes of influence in an electoral
campaign. However, characterizing these aspects requires methodolo-
gies that consider the interconnections generated by users globally. The
discipline of social network analysis provides the concepts of centrality
and modularity, both very suitable for the context of network communica-
tion. This article analyses the political conversation on Twitter during the
2015 and 2016 General Elections in Spain, in which four candidates with
significant popularity in the electorate participated. Two corpora of 8.9
million and 9.7 million tweets were collected from each campaign, re-
spectively, to analyse the networks of mentions and retweets. [R, abr.]
68.6155 BECHER, Michael ; STEGMUELLER, Daniel ; KÄPPNER,
Konstantin — Local union organization and law making in
the US Congress. Journal of Politics 80(2), Apr. 2018 : 539-
554.
The political power of labor unions is a contentious issue in the social
sciences. Departing from the dominant focus on membership size, we
argue that unions’ influence on national law making is based to an
important degree on their local organization. We delineate the novel
hypothesis that the horizontal concentration of union members within
electoral districts matters. To test it, we draw on administrative records
and map the membership size and concentration of local unions to
districts of the US House of Representatives, 2003-2012. We find that,
controlling for membership size, representatives from districts with less
concentrated unions have more liberal voting records than their peers.
This concentration effect survives numerous district controls and relaxing
OLS assumptions. While surprising for several theoretical perspectives, it
is consistent with theories based on social incentives. [R, abr.]
68.6156 BECKER, Amy B. — Politics versus place? The relative
influence of partisanship, ideology, and connection with
Israel on support for the Iran nuclear agreement. Interna-
tional Journal of Public Opinion Research 30(1), Spring
2018 : 146-155.
Analyzing data from the LA Jewish Journal Survey conducted in July
2015 (N = 501), the study empirically examines the relative influence of
politics versus place on support for the Iran Nuclear Agreement among
members of the American-Jewish community. The results suggest that
personal politics, or identifying as a Democrat and holding liberal political
views, has the largest impact on support for the Iran Nuclear Agreement.
Place, or having been to Israel, has the largest influence on opinion
strength or supporting or opposing the deal rather than maintaining a
position of ambivalence. The strategic implications of these findings for
key stakeholders, including politicians, ethnic news media organizations,
and lobbying groups, are discussed. [R]
68.6157 BEDNARCZUK, Michael — Ideology, vote choice, and
bureaucracy across time: a longitudinal test of the bu-
reau voting model in the United States. Administration and
Society 50(6), July 2018 : 812-834.
How applicable is the bureau voting model to the US? Although the litera-
ture suggests that government employees are more liberal and vote more
Democratic, these findings have recently become inconsistent stateside. In
addition, there are strong counterarguments to the premises of the bureau
voting model. It is hypothesized that bureaucrats are neither more likely to
support Democrats nor more liberal. Using data from the American National
Election Studies covering a 30-year period, probit and generalized ordered
logit models support these new hypotheses. These results suggest that the
bureau voting model may need to be refined for the US. [R]
68.6158 BEHERA, Anshuman — The majoritarian way to democ-
racy: the Bodoland conflict in Assam [India]. Alternatives
42(3), Aug. 2017 : 135-145.
A minority group’s demand for a separate territory is usually understood
as its protest against the majority rule in a democratic setup. While the
minority’s demand for a separate territory is against the majority rule, it is
certainly not against the principles of majoritarianism. In the process of
resisting against the majority rule, the minority aspires to be seen as a
majority in an exclusive territorial arrangement that it demands. In this
case, the minority takes a majoritarian approach to achieve greater
democratic rights. This can be called as majority-minority paradox in a
democracy. The present article is an attempt to critically understand the
Bodoland conflict in Assam. This article finds a key contradiction in how
majority rule is opposed and simultaneously majoritarianism is practiced
by groups demanding a separate Bodoland. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic
issue on "Northeast Indian enigmas parapolitics revisited", introduced,
pp. 99-106, by Åshild KOLÅS. See also Abstr. 68.6812]
68.6159 BICKERTON, Christopher J. ; ACCETTI, Carlo Invernizzi —
“Techno-populism” as a new party family: the case of the
Five Star Movement and Podemos. Contemporary Italian
Politics 10(2), 2018 : 132-150.
Democratic politics in Southern Europe have been shaken by the emer-
gence of the Five Star Movement (M5S) in Italy and Podemos in Spain.
To continue reading
Request your trial